| 1. |
- Åberg, Jenny, 1978-
(författare)
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The Establishment of Semi-Presidential Regimes : A Mixed Methods Approach to How and Why
- 2020
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- One of the crucial constitutional choices made in a democratizing or recently independent state is the structure of executive-legislative relations that forms into a parliamentary, presidential, or semi-presidential regime. Even so, only a few studies have sought the reasons for the establishment and least of all is known when it comes to the most recent of them: the semi-presidential one. The thesis aims to increase our knowledge on why and how semi-presidential regimes establish. This aim is approached through the use of three theoretical perspectives, including diffusion from abroad, the legacies incorporated in the domestic context, and the elites strategic bargaining expected by the perspective of transitional bargaining. Through its nested mixed methods approach, including two large-N and one single-case study, this thesis finds that semi-presidential establishment stem from all three perspectives: It is influenced by diffusion from international state networks, by legacies of post-communism and post-colonialism, as well as by the preferences of elite actors who attempt to act in a strategic manner. Semi-presidential establishment is thus a complex process and the application of the theoretical perspectives seem to depend on the level of uncertainty in the domestic context.Through its findings, this thesis increases our knowledge on why and how semi-presidential regimes are established. In addition, they contribute to the field of diffusion, semi-presidentialism, but also to the larger field of institutional studies. Future studies should test the application of the conclusions on parliamentary and presidential regimes and on all semi-presidential regimes part of the post-colonial context.
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| 2. |
- Abdelzadeh, Ali, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Building trust in times of crisis : A panel study of the influence of satisfaction with COVID‐19 communication and management
- 2024
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Ingår i: Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management. - 0966-0879 .- 1468-5973. ; 32:1
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This study examines the relationship between citizens' satisfaction with government COVID-19 communication and management (SWCCM) and institutional trust. By employing a longitudinal approach, using three-wave panel data from Sweden from 2020 to 2022, the study addresses the current lack of research on the interplay between SWCCM and institutional trust across different stages of a societal crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. The results show that SWCCM increased slightly over the pandemic period, while trust in institutions slightly decreased. The study also finds that changes in SWCCM predict changes in trust in institutions, suggesting that increased satisfaction with communication and management is associated with increased trust in institutions. Additionally, we find that higher initial levels of SWCCM contribute to a faster decline in trust over time. However, no evidence supports the idea that initial trust in institutions predicts changes in SWCCM. This suggests a unidirectional relationship where SWCCM is a key driver of institutional trust during a crisis. Overall, the study uncovers intriguing dynamics in the relationship between SWCCM and trust over time, and it emphasizes the significance of effective and consistent communication and management in maintaining and boosting public trust during crisis.
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| 3. |
- Anckar, Carsten, et al.
(författare)
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Cohabitation and Presidential Powers in Dual Executives 1850-2021
- 2023
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Ingår i: ECPR General Conference.
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- The French term ‘cohabitation’ is commonly used to describe situations in semi-presidential systems where the prime minister and the president represent different political parties. The present contribution sets out to test to what extent cohabitation affects the powers of the president. Theoretically, the link between the phenomena in question is complex; there are arguments both for an assumption that cohabitation enhances the powers of the president and for a presumption that cohabitation is linked to decreasing powers of the head of state. It is far from self-evident how cohabitation should be operationalized, however. For instance, a president and a prime minister can represent different parties, but the parties can have a long tradition of working together in government coalitions. In some cases, the president and prime minister represent different parties, but the president’s party is included in the coalition government. Another variant is that either the president or the prime minister (or even both) are unaffiliated with political parties. In the framework of the present study, we make use of several operationalizations of cohabitation to assess to what extent the relationship between cohabitation and presidential powers is affected by whether cohabitation is broadly or narrowly defined. Empirically, the study is extensive in time and space. The research population consists of all democratic republics with a separate president and prime minister during the time period 1850-2021. In the literature, cohabitation is a term generally associated with semi-presidential forms of governments in which the president is popularly elected. The present paper takes a broader view and accordingly sets out to test if cohabitation is linked to presidential powers both in dual executives with popularly elected presidents and in systems with indirectly elected presidents. Since constitutional powers tend to remain unaltered irrespective of whether periods of cohabitation occur or not, the present study measures presidential powers with reference to actual, or ‘real’ powers. The powers of the president are measured with reference to seven questions in the V-dem dataset. Three of the questions refer explicitly to powers in the executive sphere, two to legislative powers, and two to powers that do not fall explicitly in either of the categories.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Axelson, Tomas, Docent religionssociologi, 1960-, et al.
(författare)
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Den komplexa frågan kring religionens roll
- 2018
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Ingår i: Dala-Demokraten. - Falun. - 1103-9183. ; :7 feb
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Duvold, Kjetil, et al.
(författare)
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Between Institutions and Personalities : Determinants of Trust in the Baltic Presidents
- 2017
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- In several political systems, presidents may benefit from the image of being disassociated from a single party and, in a slightly Gaullist manner, project themselves as above-party politics and remain somewhat elevated from the usual political mud-slinging (Sedelius 2004). In the Baltic states, there have been – 25 years after national independence –relatively few presidents and, hence, the institution represents greater continuity than parliamentary politics. For many years, the Baltic presidents enjoyed greater levels of trust than other political actors, such as parties, MPs and PMs (Duvold 2006). Still, the greater popularity of the presidents, as compared with prime ministers and parliamentarians, undoubtedly owes something to the very limits on their governmental powers: the presidents are not closely associated with unpopular economic decisions or with the day-to-day partisan squabbling in parliament (Duvold and Sedelius 2004). Some of them have, on the contrary, acted as mediators during potentially damaging conflicts. In fact, their position may allow them to act as spokesmen for popular discontent (Baylis, 1996, 304). Drawing on a collection of public opinion surveys conducted in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in 2001–2014, this paper deals with two main questions: 1) Has trust in the Baltic presidents increased or decreased over time and and to what extent does trust in the president follow trust in other institutions? 2) What are the determinants of trust in the presidents? To what extent can it be explained in terms of background variables, such as age, socio-economic position or ethnic belonging; by political performance and satisfaction; by attitudes towards the current political regimes; or by a sense of belonging to the country and its society?
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| 8. |
- Duvold, Kjetil, et al.
(författare)
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Presidents between national unity and ethnic divisions : Public trust across the Baltic states
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Baltic Studies. - Milton Park, Abingdon : Taylor & Francis. - 0162-9778 .- 1751-7877. ; 54:2, s. 175-196
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Baltic presidents have in common that they are supposed to embody the ‘nation’ and provide an image of their countries abroad. But can the president embody the people if ‘the people’ itself is divided? In this article, we will focus on public trust in the presidency between the majority and minority population in the Baltic states. Drawing on public opinion surveys, the aim is to examine the determinants of public trust in the presidential institution and support for the performance and principles of the political system as well identification with the political community itself. Among our findings, we conclude that ethnic or linguistic identity explains trust to a considerable degree, which suggests that trust is not only an expression of specific political support, but also part of a more deep-seated, diffuse support.
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| 9. |
- Ekman, Joakim, 1970-, et al.
(författare)
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Demokratiseringsprocesser : Nya perspektiv och utmaningar
- 2023. - 3
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- Varför utvecklas vissa länder men inte andra till väl fungerande demokratier? Är det ekonomisk utveckling, en viss uppsättning institutioner, en gynnsam medborgarkultur, civilsamhället, stödjande internationella förutsättningar eller samarbetande politiska eliter som avgör? Kan alla länder i världen bli demokratier, eller är vissa stater dömda att för alltid styras av auktoritära regimer?I denna uppdaterade tredje upplaga av Demokratiseringsprocesserpresenteras och granskas de viktigaste teoretiska och empiriska bidragen inom forskningen om demokratiseringsprocesser. Författarna introducerar centrala begrepp som demokrati, modernisering, transition, konsolidering och diffusion, samt visar hur forskningen har utvecklats från den tidiga efterkrigstiden fram till idag. Även demokratins tillbakagång och olika varianter av samtida auktoritära styrelseskick diskuteras. Boken inleds med ett förord av professor Li Bennich-Björkman.Demokratiseringsprocesser är särskilt lämplig för kurser i statsvetenskap, sociologi, internationella relationer, utvecklingsstudier, Europastudier samt freds- och konfliktforskning.
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| 10. |
- Mashtaler, Olga, et al.
(författare)
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Zelenskyi’s War Presidency : Executive Coordination in Ukraine during Russia’s Invasion
- 2023
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Ingår i: ECPR Joint Sessions of Workshops. - : European Consortium for Political Research, ECPR.
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- From presidential regimes, in particular the US, scholars have shown that in times of crisis or war, the president’s power rises by a rally-round-the-flag effect and by centralization of power as extraordinary procedures, and emergency powers come into effect. Very few studies, however, have examined how the condition of war impacts on executive dynamics in semi-presidential regimes. This study addresses this gap by examining how executive coordination in Ukraine has been (re-)organized during the war and how this has influenced the balance of executive power between the president, prime minister, and parliament. Our analysis is based on a systematic collection of analytical materials and media reports, updates, expert comments, and official data covering the period Feb 2022 to March 2023. Among the study’s main findings and consistent with our hypotheses, we conclude that the war has accelerated centralization of executive powers around the president, thereby further strengthening the president’s dominance over the cabinet, but also that the overwhelming demands on the presidency during the war have necessitated the delegation of significant levels of executive governance from the president to the cabinet, particularly evident in areas of domestic policy.
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