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Sökning: WFRF:(Skogerbö Eli)

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1.
  • Bolin, Göran, 1959-, et al. (författare)
  • Age, Generation and the Media
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Northern Lights. - : Intellect. - 1601-829X .- 2040-0586. ; 11:1, s. 3-14
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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2.
  • Ihlen, Øyvind, et al. (författare)
  • Transparency beyond information disclosure : strategies of the Scandinavian public health authorities during the COVID-19 pandemic
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Journal of Risk Research. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1366-9877 .- 1466-4461. ; 25:10, s. 1176-1189
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The concept of transparency has been problematized in risk research. This exploratory study contributes to the risk literature by considering an established three-dimensional transparency framework (information substantiality, accountability, and participation) and discussing the opportunities for and challenges to risk communication in relation to the framework. Furthermore, we examine the strategies of Scandinavian health authorities during the COVID-19 pandemic and the different levels of public trust in these authorities. In general, Norwegian authorities received higher levels of trust than their Swedish and Danish counterparts. We argue that this was partly due to differences in transparency management. Our findings support the importance of the three transparency dimensions and indicate that transparency regarding uncertainties positively impacts levels of trust.
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3.
  • Nord, Lars, 1958-, et al. (författare)
  • Conclusion : Nordic political communication between change and continuity
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Power, Communication and Politics in the Nordic countries. - Gothenburg : Nordicom. - 9789188855282 ; , s. 385-396
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The overall conclusion that can be drawn from the contributions in this anthol-ogy is that it is hardly relevant to talk about a clear-cut Nordic model of political communication that highly contrasts other democratic states and their political communication systems. Global trends such as digitalisation and commercialisa-tion of media systems and blurring lines between national and global political issues influence political communication. Still, there are many observations that confirm the existence of prevailing Nordic system peculiarities, such as compara-bly higher levels of voter turnout and political trust and relatively strong private and public news media. While these merging characteristics exist, it is relevant to look more carefully upon factors in the Nordic countries that seem to contribute to continuity and stability in political communication systems. In our view, it is particularly interesting to pay attention to relevant factors in the Nordic countries that may contribute to resilience in these societies. So far, the Nordic countries have shown considerable ability to embrace international political communication trends without jeopardising essential nation-specific distinctive features. Whether this resilience will prevail in the future remains an open question.
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4.
  • Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic countries
  • 2021
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dialogue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit­ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and developments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields.
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5.
  • Skogerbø, Eli, et al. (författare)
  • Indigenous Political Journalism in the Norwegian and Swedish Public Service Broadcasters
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Journalism Studies. - 1461-670X .- 1469-9699. ; 20:7, s. 991-1008
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Across the world, Indigenous peoples are reclaiming their cultural and political identities, after having suffered decades of assimilation, repression and marginalisation. A major tool in this process is Indigenous journalism, which allows for storytelling and news reporting from the inside, as opposed to being a marginalised group that is only reported about from the outside. This article presents a comparative analysis of Indigenous political journalism as practised in the Norwegian and Swedish public broadcasters. The article explains the differences between the practices of NRK Sapmi and SR Sameradion & SVT Sapmi regarding their reporting on the campaign leading up to the Samediggi elections in Norway and Sweden in 2013. The analysis shows that Sami journalists on both sides of the border adhere to commonly shared characteristics of Indigenous journalism practices, but with considerable variation between them. There are two main conclusions of the analysis. First, NRK Sapmi and SR Sameradion & SVT Sapmi indeed practise Indigenous journalism, but do so differently, and second, ethnic identity counts, but institutions decide. Sami journalism is constrained not only by national borders but also by the institutional framework of the parent company, the public service remits and the resources available to them.
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6.
  • Skogerbö, Eli, et al. (författare)
  • Introduction : A Nordic model for political communication?
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Power, Communication, and Politics in ther Nordic Countries. - Gothenburg : Nordicom. - 9789188855282 ; , s. 13-28
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The Nordic countries have been termed a supermodel for political and economic governance. This anthology explores how and why the political communication systems contribute to explaining and understanding why the Nordic countries stand out as stable, democratic welfare states. The state and nation-building processes of these small European countries were not at all identical, but the ensuing political systems show many similarities. Yet, there are also considerable differences. Part One of the anthology explores developments in the media structure and relation-ship between media and politics in the five Nordic countries. The chapters are co-authored by scholars from political communication, media, and journalism from each country and emphasise particular national traits. Part Two studies and compares political communication across the Nordic countries within particular domains, such as political journalism, local journalism, lobbyism, elections, and the spread of fake news, with a specific eye for similarities and differences between the Nordic countries. We conclude with the argument that Nordic political communi-cation is and should be international and comparative. Still we want to highlight the need to also continue with in-depth national or Nordic comparative studies.
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7.
  • Svensson, Emma, 1982- (författare)
  • Mind the Mind : Strategic Communication in the Swedish Green Party
  • 2016
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • An increasingly complex environment and pressure from external publics on organizations to speak consistently challenge contemporary organizations. Strategic communication has been portrayed as offering a method for organizations to handle these complexities and is characterized not only as a rational way to handle problems organization face by centralizing, planning, and controlling, but as inevitable.Contrary to the conventional understanding of strategic communication as being a micro-level action, I recognize in this thesis that organizations’ strategic communication making is socially embedded. Thus, taken for granted ways of engaging in strategic communication play a vital role for what activities are conducted and how. Hence strategic communication is viewed to also constitute a macro-level phenomenon (a ‘strategic communication mind’) that reciprocally interacts with how participants engage in strategic communication making at the micro-level.Using a practice theory lens and an ethnographic approach, I explore how the strategic communication mind and strategic communication making reciprocally interacted in the Swedish Green Party’s 2014 election campaign making by focusing on how the national organization and a local branch, organized for the election campaign, engaged in planning and controlling.In generalized terms, my findings suggest that even though the national organization and the local branch’s campaign making interacted with the strategic communication mind, these interactions were not always reciprocal. Rather, many of their micro-level activities diverged from what both campaign groups’ members expected and desired to do, as well as what the strategic communication mind prescribes. I suggest that it was the organizational and election campaign contexts in which the campaign making transpired that made participants unable to follow the strategic communication mind to the letter. Hence, participants’ invocation of the strategic communication mind in campaign making led to a number of tensions: between centralization and internal democracy, planning and situational coping, strategist control and inclusion, and control and flexibility. Although these tensions challenged the strategic communication mind by hindering a reciprocal interaction, the mind was never deliberately critiqued or challenged by participants of the campaign groups or rank-and-file members, but the tensions kept lingering on.
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