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Sökning: WFRF:(Spehar Andrea 1973)

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1.
  • Bauer, Simon, et al. (författare)
  • A Culturally Relevant Education? Analysing “Swedish Values”in Civic Orientation for Newly Arrived Migrants
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: Educare - Vetenskapliga skrifter. - 1653-1868. ; :1, s. 112-144
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article contributes to ongoing discussions on education for migrants as a form of integration policy and practice. It does so by investigating whether the initiative Civic Orientation for Newly Arrived Migrants in Sweden constitutes an example of culturally relevant education. Drawing on a mixed-method and multi-level analysis, we hone in on “values” as a discursive construction in order to see how particular principles are linked to Swedishness. Specifically, we show how values are discursively constructed on multiple levels through 1) a qualitative analysis of policy documents instrumental to the implementation of civic orientation; 2) a quantitative corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis of media articles; 3) individual interviews with 14 persons involved in organizing the civic orientation courses; and 4) ethnographic classroom observations from six such courses. Our results show how, on the one hand, Sweden is constructed as the most developed country in the world in terms of values and, on the other hand, migrants are portrayed as antithetical to such an ideal imagination. Furthermore, we show how a specific set of values – human rights and democracy – changes meaning from being universal to becoming particularized and nationalized as “Swedish”.
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2.
  • Bauer, Simon, et al. (författare)
  • Constructing the “Good Citizen”: Discourses of Social Inclusion in Swedish Civic Orientation
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Social Inclusion. - 2183-2803. ; 11:4, s. 121-131
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Sweden has long been described as a beacon of multiculturalism and generous access to citizenship, with integration policies that seek to offer free and equal access to the welfare state. In this article, we use the policy of Civic Orientation for Newly Arrived Migrants as a case with which to understand how migrants’ inclusion is discursively articulated and constructed by the different constituencies involved in interpreting the policy and organising and teaching the course. We do this by employing Foucault’s closely interrelated concepts of technology of self, political technology of individuals, and governmentality. With the help of critical discourse analysis, we illustrate how migrants’ inclusion is framed around an opposition between an idealised “good citizen” and a “target population” (Schneider & Ingram, 1993). In our analysis, we draw on individual interviews with 14 people involved in organising civic orientation and on classroom observations of six civic orientation courses. Firstly, we show how migrants are constructed as unknowing and in need of being fostered by the state. Secondly, we illustrate how social inclusion is presented as being dependent upon labour market participation, both in terms of finding work and in terms of behaving correctly in the workplace. Lastly, we show how migrant women are constructed as being problematically chained to the home and therefore needing to subject themselves to a specific political technology of self to be included.
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3.
  • Bauer, Simon, et al. (författare)
  • Gender equality in the name of the state: state feminism or femonationalism in civic orientation for newly arrived migrants in Sweden?
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Critical Discourse Studies. - 1740-5904 .- 1740-5912.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article contributes to ongoing discussions in the social sciences about how to interpret the incorporation of gender equality into integration policies – is it a form of state feminism or femonationalism? Drawing upon intersectionality, we analyse how gender equality is presented, discussed and negotiated in relation to ethnicity and nationality in Sweden. Methodologically, we employ a bifocal lens that combines (1) a quantitative investigation of representations of civic orientation programmes in Swedish policy documents and mainstream media, and (2) a qualitative analysis of ethnographic data collected in six civic orientation courses – three in English and three in Arabic – in three large municipalities. Such a two-pronged approach, which connects policy and media discourses with interactions in civic orientation classes, offers a granular picture of the complex and often ambivalent intersections of ethnicity and gender in relation to migration in Sweden. Ultimately, the co-optation of feminist values brings with it the risk of warping feminism into a trait of national/ethnic distinctiveness. Crucially, femonationalism is not the prerogative of far-right parties but is already becoming institutionalised, informing both mainstream media and educational practices in a feminist state like Sweden.
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4.
  • Bauer, Simon, et al. (författare)
  • Locating Sweden in Time and Space: National Chronotopes in Civic Orientation for Adult Migrants
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Nordic Journal of Migration Research. - : Helsinki University Press. - 1799-649X. ; 13:1, s. 1-17
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The aim of this article is to use courses in civic orientation for newly arrived adult migrants in Sweden as the empirical entry point from which to investigate whether, and if so, how, civic values are tied to the Swedish nation through specific discourses and narratives. With the help of a framework that brings together theorisations of the discursive construction of the nation with the notions of the chronotope and ‘social narratives’, the article demonstrates how narratives within civic orientation are characterised by specific spatio-temporal moves that discursively construct Sweden as a nation-state. Such national chronotopes are not innocuous but are part of a rhetoric of nationalism that constructs a linear and comprehensive story of prosperity and superiority, not least vis-à-vis some other geographical areas in the world. As such, the analysis seeks to contribute to the burgeoning scholarship on civic orientation programmes by offering further empirical evidence of the shapes such programmes take, and how civic values become nationalised. With the help of the notion of the chronotope, the article also seeks to add some fresh perspectives to scholarship on nationalism and othering by showing mundane spatio-temporal moves in the production of a ‘national imaginary’ (Calhoun 2017).
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5.
  • Berg, Linda, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • Multilevel governance of migration policies in Sweden
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: IMESCOE general conference “Managing migrant integration in a multilevel context: challenges in Europe and North America, Amsterdam, 29 August 2012.
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The territorial reconstruction of Europe into a political multilevel system has led to a decreased significance of state borders and increased complexity in policymaking (Bartolini 2005). This paper addresses the question why Sweden, an allegedly reluctant EU member state, during the 2000s has advocated increased EU-harmonisation concerning migration policy – a policy area closely connected to national sovereignty. By adopting a multilevel governance approach, the paper will explore the role of different actors along the ‘vertical’ (type 1) and ‘horizontal’ (type 2) dimensions (Hooghe & Marks 2003). Following the vertical dimension, the analysis will focus on the state and EU level, and how especially political parties may use the limitations and possibilities offered by the institutional settings at each of these levels – often also referred to as ‘venue shopping’ (Coen 1997, 2007; Eising 2004; Guiraudon 2000).
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6.
  • Berg, Linda, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • National visions, local realities: Swedish urban migration management
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: 20th International Conference of Europeanists. Crisis and Contingency: States of (In)stability.
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Migration has traditionally been seen as an issue for states, as crossing state borders is the definition of international migration. However, within the multi-level context of the EU, it has become apparent how visions and laws formulated at the national, or even the European, level are to be implemented and turned into practice locally and regionally (Caponio & Borkert 2010). Sweden offers an interesting case to study multi-level migration management as it receives among the largest per capita numbers of migrants in Europe and several larger cities face serious integration challenges. Moreover, Sweden has unusually large and independent municipalities. In 2006 the responsibility of asylum reception was devolved to the municipalities, in addition to the existing responsibility of welfare, housing and education, and the strengthening of the traditionally weak regional level. This paper combines insights from multi-level governance and migration studies. What are the implications and challenges for local governance of different forms of migration (e.g. asylum, EU-free movement, TCNs)? Do governance strategies vary with different forms of migration? The aim is to study the perceptions of local stakeholders (politicians, civil servants, civil society) in relation to the constraints and possibilities provided by higher political tiers. An in-depth case study of the city of Gothenburg and its districts with varying integration challenges provides a relevant case for a multilevel governance approach along the ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ dimensions.
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7.
  • Berg, Linda, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • Swimming against the tide: Why Sweden Support Open Door Labour Migration Policies in Sweden and within the EU
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: 19th International Conference of Europeanists (CES), Boston, 22-24 March 2012.
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Across Europe, regulating migration remains one of the most pressing issues for national governments, not least in the current context of economic crisis and welfare state challenges. Vast academic interest has been directed towards understanding restrictive refugee and labour immigration policies of destination countries, including the impact of growing anti-immigrant parties. But so far, less attention has been directed towards analysing countries’ liberal migration policy preferences. Contrary to recent developments in many EU member states, Sweden has witnessed a dramatic liberalisation of the rules governing the entry of third-country labour migrants. The new Immigration Law of 2008 liberalised immigration policy and made it more employer-driven. These changes have been called a ‘slight revolution’. Sweden is also one of few EU countries to actively take initiatives to promote greater harmonisation of labour migration policy within the EU. Moreover, Sweden was one of only three Member States (along with the UK and Ireland) to immediately open its doors to citizens from the EU accession countries of 2004 and 2007. This paper analyses the preferences and strategies of the main Swedish political actors in order to explain why Sweden has been backing such open/liberal policies. It draws on the examination of media coverage, party programs, official documents and elite interviews.
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8.
  • Berg, Linda, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • Swimming against the tide: Why Sweden supports increased labour mobility within and from outside the EU
  • 2013
  • Ingår i: Policy Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0144-2872 .- 1470-1006. ; 34:2, s. 142-161
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • While the free movement of labour in the EU is generally depicted as a positive feature of the single market, it was also controversial in the debate on EU enlargement. Actors opposing enlargement argued that large waves of migrants from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) would ‘swamp’ western labour markets, leading to so called ‘social tourism’ and increasing xenophobia. Contrary to developments in other countries, Sweden was one of only three Member States to immediately open its doors to citizens from the EU accession countries of 2004 and 2007. Sweden has also been one of few EU countries to actively promote greater liberalisation of labour migration policy for third country nationals (TCNs) within the EU; and the new Swedish Immigration Law of 2008 dramatically liberalised the TCN labour migration policy and made it more employer-driven. We argue that in order to understand why Sweden has supported increased labour mobility within and from outside of the EU, we need to complement existing explanations by analysing the preferences of the political parties. A two-dimensional analysis focusing on economy and culture provides an understanding of why so called ‘unholy coalitions’ of parties in support of liberal labour policies have emerged in Sweden during the2000s. The article ends with a discussion of lessons learned from the Swedish case and wider implications for rights-based mobility in the EU.
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9.
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10.
  • Berg, Linda, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • Välfärd i Europa – utblickar inför framtiden
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: EU och välfärdens Europa: Familj, arbetsmarknad, migration. - Malmö : Liber. - 9789147094905 ; , s. 256-270
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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