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Träfflista för sökning "WFRF:(Teorell Jan) "

Sökning: WFRF:(Teorell Jan)

  • Resultat 1-10 av 156
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1.
  • Bartelson, Jens, et al. (författare)
  • After de-centering: a new research agenda for state making
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: De-Centering State Making : Comparative and International Perspectives - Comparative and International Perspectives. - 9781788112987 - 9781788112994 ; , s. 218-232
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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2.
  • Bartelson, Jens, et al. (författare)
  • Introduction : De-centering state making
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: De-Centering State Making : Comparative and International Perspectives - Comparative and International Perspectives. - : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 9781788112987 - 9781788112994 ; , s. 1-14
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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3.
  • Hall, Martin, et al. (författare)
  • Introduction: de-centering state making
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: De-Centering State Making : Comparative and International Perspectives - Comparative and International Perspectives. - 9781788112987 - 9781788112994 ; , s. 1-16
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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4.
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5.
  • Teorell, Jan, et al. (författare)
  • Political Participation: Mapping the Terrain
  • 2007
  • Ingår i: Citizenship and Involvement in European Democracies: A Comparative Perspective. - 9780203965757 ; 17, s. 334-357
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
  •  
6.
  • Brambor, Thomas, et al. (författare)
  • The Lay of the Land: Information Capacity and the Modern State
  • 2016
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Relying on three new indicators of the information capacity of states, this paper provides new evidence on the ability of states to collect and process information about the territories and populations that they govern. The three indicators are (a) the availability of a reliable census, (b) the establishment of a permanent government agency tasked with processing statistical information about the territory and the population, and (c) the regular release of statistical yearbooks. We find, as expected, that there has been a secular increase in information capacity over time. We also investigate salient differences among countries from the early 1800s onward.
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7.
  • Brambor, Thomas, et al. (författare)
  • The Lay of the Land: Information Capacity and the Modern State
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Comparative Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 1552-3829 .- 0010-4140. ; 53:2, s. 175-213
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article presents new evidence on the efforts of states to collect and process information about themselves, their territories, and their populations. We compile data on five institutions and policies: the regular implementation of a reliable census, the regular release of statistical yearbooks, the introduction of civil and population registers, and the establishment of a government agency tasked with processing statistical information. Using item response theory methods, we generate an index of “information capacity” for 85 states from 1789 to the present. We then ask how political regime changes have influenced the development of information capacity over time. In contrast with the literature on democracy and fiscal capacity, we find that suffrage expansions are associated with higher information capacity, but increases in the level of political competition are not. These findings demonstrate the value of our new measure, because they suggest that different elements of state capacity are shaped by different historical processes.
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8.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Cabinets, Prime Ministers and Corruption. A Comparative Analysis of Parliamentary Governments in Post-War Europe
  • 2016
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Why are some states more corrupt than others? Previous research explaining corruption suggests that multiparty governments are associated with higher levels of corruption since it is difficult for voters to hold parties in such cabinets accountable. Drawing on the literature on coalition governance, we suggest that a lack of government corruption has more to do with the ability of other key political actors to control the agents that have been delegated power in cabinet. We use a new dataset (Varieties of Democracy), giving us more specific measures on governmental corruption across a longer time-period. We show that corruption is significantly lower when the Prime Minister (PM) has strong constitutional powers, suggesting that the PM as a principal reduces agency problems.
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9.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Cabinets, Prime Ministers and Corruption. A Comparative Analysis of Parliamentary Governments in Post-war Europe
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0032-3217 .- 1467-9248. ; 67:1, s. 149-170
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Why are some states more corrupt than others? Drawing on the literature on governance in parliamentary democracies, we suggest that the degree of corruption depends on the ability of key political actors to control ministers who have been delegated power. We argue that the Prime Minister has incentives to limit corruption within the cabinet and has the ability to do so when there are certain “control mechanisms” at hand. One such mechanism is the PM’s ability to fire or demote ministers who are not behaving in accordance with his or her wishes. We hypothesize that governmental corruption will be lower in systems where the constitution grants the PM strong powers. Using a new dataset (Varieties of Democracy), which provides more specific measures on high-level corruption across a longer time period, we analyze corruption in 26 West and East European democracies over the post-war period and find support for our hypothesis.
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10.
  • Bäck, Hanna (författare)
  • Explaining Coalitions : Evidence and Lessons From Studying Coalition Formation in Swedish Local Government
  • 2003
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The aim of this thesis is to better understand coalition formation. To date, a vast number of theories have been presented with the goal to explain coalition outcomes. For example, early coalition theories assumed that parties were motivated solely by the goal of attaining the power and prestige that come with being in office, and predicted that minimal winning coalitions would form. Later coalition theories are instead often based on the assumption that parties are interested in implementing a policy program.Three problems with much of the existing coalition research are identified and solved in this study. First, many coalition theories have only been evaluated on the data set of Western European national governments despite the fact that these theories often emerged from consideration of this same data set, which implies that these theories have not been subjected to proper evaluations. In this study, a new data set consisting of a large number of formation opportunities in Swedish local government is used to evaluate coalition theories. Second, few empirical investigations have focused on comparing alternative coalition explanations using careful controls. In this study several different statistical techniques are used to evaluate the relative importance of a number of important coalition variables. Third, coalition researchers have not focused on giving adequate causal explanations to coalition formation in terms of measuring both the causal effects and the causal mechanisms underlying these effects. In this thesis, a large-n statistical study is combined with in-depth case studies, which makes it possible to measure and isolate effects, and to investigate the mechanisms that explain these effects.The analyses performed here indicate that when explaining coalition formation we should take into account that parties are neither pure office-seekers nor pure policy-seekers. Instead, parties are driven by multiple goals. The results also indicate that we should consider that parties are concerned with the effects that coalitional choices may have on future election results. The results found here show that parties should not be treated as unitary actors, and that some parties may be less likely to be in government due to the fact that they use highly democratic decision-making procedures, or because they are highly factionalized. Another conclusion drawn here is that when explaining coalitions, we should consider that the history of interaction between parties matters and that parties are concerned with minimizing the transaction costs with forming a coalition. Many other theories are either backed up or discredited by the evidence.
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