| 1. |
- Brosché, Johan, 1978-, et al.
(författare)
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Nio punkter för global fred (Nine Points for Global Peace)
- 2015
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Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Insatserna för global fred måste stärkas skriver tolv företrädare för institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning apropå att världens ledare samlas i dag i New York för att anta 17 nya globala mål för en bättre värld och mer hållbar utveckling.
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| 2. |
- Angerbrandt, Henrik, et al.
(författare)
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Above Politics? : Ex-Military Leaders in Nigerian Electoral Politics
- 2021
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Ingår i: Democratization. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 28:4, s. 782-800
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In countries transitioning from military to democratic rule, authoritarian legacies often continue to influence politics. Whereas previous research has focused on the institutional causes of such deficiencies, there is a lack of studies examining the role ex-military leaders who re-emerge as civilian presidents have in sustaining authoritarian tendencies. In this article, we begin to fill this lacuna by investigating the question: how and under which conditions do ex-military leaders' political identity constructions affect their tendency to place themselves above politics (i.e. expressing the attitude and behaviour of being superior to democratic rules)? The literature on neo-patrimonialism and post-civil war politics points to the importance of the political identities of ex-militaries, and we propose a theory that highlights the role identity construction plays in shaping elites’ decision-making processes. Based on a comparison of two Nigerian presidents, Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari, we find that ex-generals' tendency to engage in politics from above is largely a function of to what extent they have diversified their political identities beyond their role as “militaries”. In this process, the degree of democratic consolidation also seems to play a role; ex-militaries operating in newly established democracies appear to have more opportunities to place themselves above politics.
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| 3. |
- Bangura, Ibrahim, et al.
(författare)
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Patrimonial Truth-Telling : Why Truth Commissions Leave Victim and Ex-Combatant Participants Aggrieved
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding. - : Routledge. - 1750-2977 .- 1750-2985. ; 17:4, s. 371-393
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- There is a growing awareness that truth commissions (TCs) often leave victim and ex-combatant participants aggrieved. This is problematic since it can undermine support for peace processes. When attempting to explain such shortcomings, previous research has not paid sufficient attention to the patrimonial sources of TC-participants’ frustration. We argue that such forms of disenchantment are largely caused by internationalised TCs’ patrimonial mode of working, utilising tactics such as motorcades as manifestations of power and brokers to mobilise witnesses. To highlight the relevance of our argument, we use the work of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an example.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Sjöstedt, Roxanna, et al.
(författare)
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Demagogues of Hate or Shepherds of Peace? : Examining the Threat Construction Processes of Warlord Democrats in Sierra Leone and Liberia
- 2019
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Ingår i: Journal of International Relations and Development. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1408-6980 .- 1581-1980. ; 22:3, s. 560-583
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How are threat images framed and constructed by the so-called warlord democrats (WDs)? Societies that have suffered from large-scale civil wars are commonly permeated by inter-group fear and hate. In these contexts, former military or political leaders of armed groups sometimes become involved in post-war politics. These WDs can act as reconciliation spoilers by making securitising moves, i.e. they construct threat images that are potentially very costly for fragile post-conflict democratisation processes. It is therefore crucial to explore WDs’ speech acts. Yet, the literature on post-war politics has largely overlooked these individual aspects. This article argues that the central components of securitisation theory can be useful in understanding this phenomenon if adjusted to the contextual circumstances of post-war societies. By analysing speech acts by seven WDs in post-war Liberia and Sierra Leone, two forms of framing strategies stand out as particularly relevant. First, WDs’ securitising moves are often framed as veiled threats of violence, as it is often deemed too risky for these individuals outside formal power positions to overtly express threats in a generally de-securitised setting. Second, when WDs construct threats, they often chose to frame themselves or their constituencies or followers as the referent object of security.
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| 8. |
- Themnér, Anders, 1976-
(författare)
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A Leap of Faith : When and How Ex-Combatants Resort to Violence
- 2013
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 22:2, s. 295-329
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Previous research has given scant attention to the issue of how and when ex-combatants resort to organized violence. This article fills this research gap by comparing ex-fighters in the Republic of Congo and Sierra Leone. It holds that ex-combatant violence is the result of interaction between entrepreneurs of violence, military affinities, intermediaries, and selective incentives. Ex-combatants take to arms when they have access to entrepreneurs of violence. By offering selective incentives and utilizing existing military affinities, entrepreneurs can generate the enticements and trust needed to convince ex-combatants to resort to arms. However, as entrepreneurs have limited contact with ex-fighters, they are dependent on intermediaries to do the actual recruiting for them. Contrary to previous assumptions, this article finds that ex-fighters are largely risk-averse individuals and that ex-combatant violence is seldom triggered by the mere presence of small arms, lack of economic opportunities, or experiences of insecurity.
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| 9. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-
(författare)
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A Response to Ilmari Käihkö's "On Brokers, Commodification of Information and Liberian Former Combatants"
- 2022
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Ingår i: Civil Wars. - : Routledge. - 1369-8249 .- 1743-968X. ; 24:4, s. 535-546
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In a recent article in Civil Wars, Ilmari Käihkö criticizes my research approach of collaborating with ex-commanders to study their own ex-command structures. While I welcome a discussion concerning the pros and cons of employing this approach, it must be based on a correct representation of the methods that I have used. Kaihko does not do this in his article, and he makes a number of false statements about my research. My ambition with this paper is to set the record straight and pave the way for a more productive discussion about how to best study ex-command structures.
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| 10. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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Building a Safety Net : Explaining the Strength of Ex-Military Networks
- 2020
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Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 29:2, s. 268-300
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of excombatants has become an integral part of peacebuilding. Although the main purpose of such interventions is to dissolve the military structures of armed groups, there is growing evidence that ex-combatant networks often remain intact. We investigate why such structures continue to thrive. We argue that ex-military networks are stronger when ex-commanders have weak links to elite patronage systems. Ex-combatants who are unable to rely on their former superiors for economic assistance must instead build denser ties to each other to gain access to a social safety net. To assess our argument, we conduct a comparative social network analysis (SNA) of two ex-military networks in Liberia. This innovative approach helps us uncover previously overlooked, but central, dynamics related to ex-combatant groups. We thereby show that SNA provides a range of underutilized tools and exact definitions that can increase our understanding of ex-military networks.
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