| 1. |
- Xezonakis, Georgios, 1975, et al.
(author)
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Can electors combat corruption? Institutional arrangements and citizen behaviour.
- 2016
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In: European Journal of Political Research. - : Wiley. - 0304-4130. ; 55:1, s. 160-176
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Studies interested in the cross-national levels of corruption have concluded that specific institutional characteristics drive the aggregate variation. In countries with high institutional clarity and plurality electoral systems, corruption tends to be lower since increased voter monitoring and clarity of responsibility incentivise politicians to deliver virtuous policies. However, the underlying accountability mechanism has never been tested at the individual level. It is still unclear whether (1) voters do place voting weights on corruption, and (2) whether these weights vary in response to aggregate institutional characteristics. In this article, survey data from 23 democracies is used to put the accountability micro-mechanism to this test. While there is some evidence that voters do vote on the basis of corruption, the moderating effect of institutional characteristics is not as strong as previously thought.
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| 2. |
- Boräng, Frida, 1977, et al.
(author)
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The Quality of Government Determinants of Regime Support
- 2015
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In: University of Gothenburg and Stellenbosch University World Values Survey workshop, August 12-13 2015, Gothenburg. - : Whily.
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- This paper argues that in addition to “what democracies do,” “how democracies do it” produces an independent source of support for democracy. We argue that a high procedural quality of bureaucracy may promote support for democracy by diminishing the likelihood of the occurrence of cognitive dissonance between democracy as an ideal and the experienced. Furthermore, we expect the beneficial impact of a higher quality of government (QoG) to be more visible in younger democracies. We subject this claim to a multilevel empirical analysis with large n and N and across a considerable time span. The analysis reveals that higher QoG is linked with higher levels of diffuse support, and that this effect is stronger in younger democracies. The data are less supportive with respect to the positive impact of QoG on specific support, calling for further research into the matter.
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| 3. |
- Boräng, Frida, 1977, et al.
(author)
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The Quality of Government Determinants of Support for Democracy
- 2017
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In: Journal of Public Affairs. - : Wiley. - 1472-3891. ; 17:1-2
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- This paper argues that in addition to “what democracies do,” “how democracies do it” produces an independent source of support for democracy. We argue that a high procedural quality of bureaucracy may promote support for democracy by diminishing the likelihood of the occurrence of cognitive dissonance between democracy as an ideal and the experienced. Furthermore, we expect the beneficial impact of a higher quality of government (QoG) to be more visible in younger democracies. We subject this claim to a multilevel empirical analysis with large n and N and across a considerable time span. The analysis reveals that higher QoG is linked with higher levels of diffuse support, and that this effect is stronger in younger democracies. The data are less supportive with respect to the positive impact of QoG on specific support, calling for further research into the matter.
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| 4. |
- Ezrow, Lawrence, et al.
(author)
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Citizen satisfaction with democracy and parties' policy offerings
- 2011
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In: Comparative Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-4140 .- 1552-3829. ; 44, s. 1152-1178
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- The authors examine the relationship between the variation of policy choices on offer in a party system and citizen satisfaction. Cross-national analyses, based on 12 countries from 1976 to 2003, are presented that suggest that when party choices in a political system are more ideologically proximate to the mean voter position in left-right terms, overall citizen satisfaction increases. The central implication of this finding is that party positions matter for understanding within-country changes in satisfaction. © The Author(s) 2011.
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| 5. |
- Ezrow, L., et al.
(author)
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Satisfaction with democracy and voter turnout: A temporal perspective
- 2016
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In: Party Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0688 .- 1460-3683. ; 22:1, s. 3-14
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Numerous studies conclude that countries in which citizens express higher levels of satisfaction with democracy also tend to display higher levels of voter turnout in national elections. Yet it is difficult to draw causal inferences from this positive cross-sectional relationship, because democracies feature many historical, cultural, and institutional differences that are not easily controlled for in cross-sectional comparisons. We apply an alternative, temporal approach to this issue by asking the question: Are over-time declines (increases) in aggregate levels of satisfaction within democracies associated with increases (declines) in levels of voter turnout within these democracies? Our temporal analysis of this relationship in 12 democracies over the period 1976-2011 reveals a pattern that is the opposite of that suggested by previous cross-sectional studies: namely, we find that over-time increases in citizens' satisfaction with democracy are associated with significant decreases in voter turnout in national elections in these countries.
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| 6. |
- Giebler, H., et al.
(author)
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Priming Europe: Media effects on loyalty, voice and exit in European Parliament elections
- 2017
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In: Acta Politica. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0001-6810 .- 1741-1416. ; 52:1, s. 110-132
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Parties in government face a decline in EP elections after experiencing a surge in votes to win the national election. This occurs because voters are more inclined to give voice to their dissatisfaction with current government performance by voting for the opposition or exiting because less is at stake in second-order elections. These elections negatively affect the electoral fortunes of governing parties as voters opt to punish poorly performing national governments in EP elections. Meanwhile, greater reliance on the EU issue dimension in vote choice models is taken as evidence for the increasing Europeanisation of EP elections. We examine the role of the media in making the EU issue dimension salient in such a way that government parties may benefit electorally from this increased saliency. To examine whether visibility of government party actors in media coverage increases loyalty for the governing parties either directly or via priming the EU issues for voters, we combine survey data from the 2009 European Election Studies with data on news coverage of those elections that links the governing party to the EU issue. We show that where the government is visible in EU news coverage, EU issue voting tends to increase loyalty while decreasing the probability to vote for the opposition and thus improves the electoral prospects for governing parties. This is even more the case if the issue is primed by negative campaign coverage. © 2016 Macmillan Publishers Ltd.
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| 7. |
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Globalisation and domestic politics. Parties, Elections, and Public Opinion
- 2016
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Editorial collection (other academic/artistic)abstract
- Globalization and Domestic Politics addresses how a widely acknowledged and pervasive economic and social process and globalization affect democratic politics among both masses and elites. It inquires into the extent to which, and how, globalization affects the political attitudes and behaviour of ordinary citizens and the policies of political parties. Chapters discuss to what extent globalization affects the salience of left-right politics, the content of party programmes and promises, leadership evaluations, economic voting, electoral accountability, the influence of religion in politics, electoral turnout, political efficacy, satisfaction with democracy, and the quality of democracy. It primarily draws on data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES), made up of three modules of election surveys from 44 countries and 107 elections. The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) is a collaborative program of research among election study teams from around the world. Participating countries include a common module of survey questions in their post-election studies. The resulting data are deposited along with voting, demographic, district, and macro variables. The studies are then merged into a single, free, public dataset for use in comparative study and cross-level analysis. The set of volumes in this series is based on these CSES modules, and the volumes address the key theoretical issues and empirical debates in the study of elections and representative democracy. Some of the volumes will be organized around the theoretical issues raised by a particular module, while others will be thematic in their focus. Taken together, these volumes will provide a rigorous and ongoing contribution to understanding the expansion and consolidation of democracy in the twenty-first century.
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| 8. |
- Konstantinidis, I., et al.
(author)
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Sources of tolerance towards corrupted politicians in Greece: the role of trade offs and individual benefits
- 2013
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In: Crime Law and Social Change. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0925-4994 .- 1573-0751. ; 60:5, s. 549-563
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Reelection of corrupted politicians points to a problem of democratic accountability. Voters do have the chance to 'throw the rascals out', but they do not take it. Employing a survey experiment, we test two popular explanations of why Greek voters fail to effectively sanction corrupt politicians. One is related to the distorting effects of psychological attachment to parties and the second to tradeoffs that seem to come into play when voters weigh the prevalence of corruption against other tangible benefits that they receive from governments and parties, such as lower taxes or clientelistic exchanges. Our findings suggest that collective benefits, such as cutting taxes, outweigh the costs of tolerating political corruption. On the contrary, exclusive provision of goods to specific voters, such as in the case of clientelistic exchanges, seems to be negatively related to support for a corrupt politician and therefore should rather not be regarded as a source of tolerance to corruption, at least not in present time Greece.
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| 9. |
- Kosmidis, Spyros, et al.
(author)
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The undecided voters and the economy: Campaign heterogeneity in the 2005 British general election
- 2010
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In: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 29, s. 604-616
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Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Research and conventional wisdom suggest that undecided voters are especially prone to campaign persuasion. Little has been done, however, in the way of uncovering the decision pathways followed by these voters. In this paper we seek to assess the undecided voters' alleged campaign susceptibility and, most importantly, to explore which campaign considerations inform their final voting decisions. Our central finding is that their behaviour is driven to a larger extent by economic performance and less by leadership or other valence evaluations. This finding has important implications for parties' campaign strategies in an era where the ranks of undecided voters are steadily expanding from one election to the other. © 2010 Elsevier Ltd.
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| 10. |
- Patrikios, Stratos, et al.
(author)
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Globalization, Religiosity, and Vote Choice
- 2016
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In: Vowles, J. & Xezonakis, G. (Eds.) Globalization and Domestic Politics: Parties, Elections, and Public Opinion. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198757986
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Book chapter (peer-reviewed)abstract
- Building on recent research that examines the impact of globalization in domestic political behaviour, particularly on economic voting, this chapter proposes that globalization strengthens the influence of religiosity on individual voting decisions (the ‘religious vote’ or ‘religious voting’). It further hypothesizes that the effect of globalization on the religious vote depends on the structure of the religious economy: some religious contexts will be more fertile settings for religious voting. The analysis combines individual‐level data from CSES Module 2 (2001–2006) with two types of country‐level information: globalization indices and a measure of the religious context. The main finding is that globalization strengthens the link between religiosity and right‐wing party choice. This effect can be interpreted as an anti‐globalization backlash that takes place within a shrinking pool of religious voters. The findings contribute to our understanding of a hitherto ignored relationship between globalization and the non‐economic foundations of voting behaviour.
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