| 1. |
- Bynander, Fredrik, 1970-, et al.
(författare)
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When Power Changes Hands : The Political Psychology of Leadership Succession in Democracies
- 2006
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 27:5, s. 707-730
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Leadership succession in democratic governments and political parties is an ubiquitous but relatively understudied phenomen, where the political becomes intensely personal and vice versa. This article outlines the puzzles that leadership succession poses to political analysts, reviews the literature, and offers a conceptual framework deconstructing the process in terms of a flow from succession contexts and triggers via the role choices of key participants (incumbents and aspiring successors) through to the eventual succession outcomes. It concludes by presenting a series of testable hypotheses to describe and explain leadership successions.
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| 2. |
- Kinnvall, Catarina
(författare)
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Globalization and Religious Nationalism: Self, Identity and the Search for Ontological Security
- 2004
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 25:5, s. 741-767
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The globalization of economics, politics, and human affairs has made individuals and groups more ontologically insecure and existentially uncertain. One main response to such insecurity is to seek reaffirmation of one's self identity by drawing closer to any collective that is perceived as being able to reduce insecurity and existential anxiety. The combination of religion and nationalism is a particularly powerful response ("identity-signifier") in times of rapid change and uncertain futures, and is therefore more likely than other identity constructions to arise during crises of ontological insecurity.
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| 3. |
- Parker, Charles F., 1968-, et al.
(författare)
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Blindsided? September 11 and the Origins of Strategic Surprise
- 2002
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - Hoboken : Wiley-Blackwell. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 23:3, s. 601-630
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The devastating terror attacks of 11 September 2001 have often been characterized as a “bolt from the blue.” Drawing inspiration from the political psychological literature on strategic surprise, this article poses the deceptively simple question of why so many U.S. policymakers were caught so woefully off guard last year. Through a preliminary empirical exploration of three broad explanatory “cuts” derived from the relevant interdisciplinary literature—psychological, bureau–organizational, and agenda–political—the authors seek to shed light on the sources of failure that may have contributed to 9/11 and point to promising avenues of investigation for future research as the available empirical record becomes more complete.
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| 4. |
- Ahlskog, Rafael
(författare)
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Extraversion Probably Does Not Cause Political Participation. Evidence from Two Genetically Informed Designs
- 2023
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 44:6, s. 1301-1318
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A substantial literature in political psychology has emphasized the importance of personality traits for understanding differences in political participation. One such trait is extraversion. However, the causal status of this relationship is complicated by a number of issues, not least genetic confounding stemming from the heritability of both personality traits and political participation. This study confirms the well-established naive relationship between extraversion and participation, but goes on with (a) a discordant MZ twin design and (b) a new approach using measured genetic variation, or a polygenic index, in the given trait (extraversion) to assess the causal nature of this relationship. First, utilizing variation in extraversion and participation within identical twin pairs shows that twins with higher extraversion do not participate more. Second, random variation within fraternal twin pairs in a polygenic index of extraversion does predict trait extraversion, but does not predict political participation. In summary, previously identified associations between extraversion and political participation are not likely to be causal, but instead reflect common underlying familial factors.
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| 5. |
- Born, Andreas, et al.
(författare)
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An Experimental Investigation of Election Promises
- 2018
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley: 24 months. - 1467-9221 .- 0162-895X. ; 39:3, s. 685-705
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- We analyze the effect of election promises on electoral behavior in a laboratory experiment. In the experiment, politicians can make nonbinding election promises about how to split an endowment between themselves and the group. We find that promises affect both voting and voter beliefs about how much the politician will contribute to the public fund. The relationship is inverted U-shaped with decreasing credibility of higher promises. Contributions of politicians are correlated with their promises in a similar pattern. The election promises are generally credible unless particularly high. Politicians keep promises more often if a reelection is possible and if the politician came into power by vote rather than by random draw. Voters reward high contributions in the previous period and punish promise breaking even after controlling for the contribution in the previous period or voters' beliefs about future contributions. By controlling for voters' beliefs, we distinguish retrospective from prospective voting. Our results suggest that voters both use promises for prospective voting and retrospectively punish broken promises.
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| 6. |
- Bryder, T.
(författare)
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Memoir Of The 1984 ISPP Annual-Meeting
- 1985
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 6:1, s. 197-203
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
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| 11. |
- Dawes, Christopher T., et al.
(författare)
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Linking Genes and Political Orientations: Testing the Cognitive Ability as Mediator Hypothesis
- 2015
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley: 24 months. - 1467-9221 .- 0162-895X. ; 36:6, s. 649-665
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Recent research has demonstrated that genetic differences explain a sizeable fraction of the variance in political orientations, but little is known about the pathways through which genes might affect political preferences. In this article, we use a uniquely assembled dataset of almost 1,000 Swedish male twin pairs containing detailed information on cognitive ability and political attitudes in order to further examine the genetic and environmental causes of political orientations. Our study makes three distinct contributions to our understanding of the etiology of political orientations: (1) we report heritability estimates across different dimensions of political ideology; (2) we show that cognitive ability and political orientations are related; and (3) we provide evidence consistent with the hypothesis that cognitive ability mediates part of the genetic influence on political orientations. These findings provide important clues about the nature of the complex pathways from molecular genetic variation to political orientations.
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| 12. |
- Dennison, James, et al.
(författare)
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Populist Attitudes and Threat Perceptions of Global Transformations and Governance : Experimental Evidence from India and the United Kingdom
- 2022
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 43:5, s. 873-892
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Contemporary global crises and transformations—including climate change, migration, digitalization, pandemics, financial and economic integration, and terrorism—increasingly determine democratic politics and policymaking. We examine how populist attitudes are associated with perceptions of the threats posed by these six global crises and transformations. Using original survey data in India and the United Kingdom alongside secondary data in the United Kingdom, we robustly show that stronger populist attitudes are positively associated with the perception of threat posed by all six crises and transformations—particularly to the economy and national way of life, but also, of theoretical note, to humanitarian concerns. Furthermore, experimentally priming populist individuals on global governance solutions to each transformation has no effect on their perception of threat, suggesting that such threat perceptions are not driven by political concerns but by the societal crises and transformations themselves. Overall, our findings theoretically support the ideational conceptualization of populism as a thin ideology, distinct from nationalism or left-right attitudes, which acts as a broad, if thin, political psychological predisposition. Substantially, we cautiously argue that our findings may give cause for optimism about the potential to rally popular support for global governance solutions to global challenges.
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| 13. |
- Eriksson, Kimmo, et al.
(författare)
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A Below-Average Effect with Respect to American Political Stereotypes on Warmth and Competence
- 2015
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 36:3, s. 341-350
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The "above-average effect" is the phenomenon that people tend to judge themselves above average on desirable traits. Based on social identity theory, we propose that a "below-average effect" may arise when individuals rate themselves and the average ingroup member on traits stereotypically associated with the ingroup. In two studies, Republican and Democrat participants rated themselves and the average political ingroup member on possession of desirable traits related to warmth and competence. Current political stereotypes in America associate the former dimension with Democrats and the latter with Republicans. Consistent with our hypothesis, the above-average effect was moderated by political group and dimension in interaction. In particular, Democrats rated themselves below the average Democrat on warmth and Republicans rated themselves below the average Republican on competence.
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| 14. |
- Gaber, Katrina
(författare)
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To Belong or Not to Belong. Affective Self-Nationalization in Thailand
- 2020
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 41:2, s. 323-341
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Through analyzing conflict narratives regarding Khao Phra Wihan, a territorial conflict important for nationalists in Thailand, this article aims to detangle how nationalization is experienced and performed on an individual level. In this article, the concept "affective self-nationalization" is proposed to analyze the emotional and embodied practices through which individuals fashion themselves into nationalized subjects. In Thailand, self-nationalization is instigated by the governing agency through repeated, regular, mandatory, public performances of loyalty through which individuals create the nation collectively. These performances create automatic feelings to the nation, establishes national others as fearsome, and rule through the basic human need of belonging. At the same time, individuals' emotions shape the society through how they decide to perform nationalization. The concept of "affective self-nationalization" captures the connections between the official nationalizing program of "outside" society in a form of nationalist emotional socialization with individual experience of nationalizing.
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| 15. |
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| 16. |
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| 17. |
- Hall, Jonathan, 1979-, et al.
(författare)
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Exposure to Violence and Attitudes Towards Transitional Justice
- 2018
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 39:2, s. 345-363
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Transitional justice has emerged to address victims’ needs as a means of restoring relations broken by violence. Yet we know little about victims’ attitudes towards different transitional justice mechanisms. Why do some victims prioritize retributive justice while others favor other forms of dealing with the violent past? What determines victims’ attitudes towards transitional justice policies? To address these questions, we offer a new theoretical framework that draws upon recent insights from the field of evolutionary psychology and links both war exposure and postwar environments to transitional justice preferences. We argue that both past experiences of wartime violence and present-day social interdependence with perpetrators impact transitional justice preferences, but in divergent ways (resulting in greater support for retributive vs. restorative justice measures, respectively). To test our framework, we rely upon a 2013 representative survey of 1,007 respondents focusing on general population attitudes towards transitional justice in Bosnia two decades after the implementation of the Dayton Accords. Specifically, we examine the impact of displacement, return to prewar homes, loss of property, loss of a loved one, physical injury, imprisonment, and torture on attitudes towards transitional justice. On the whole, our findings confirm our two main hypotheses: Exposure to direct violence and losses is associated with more support for retributive justice measures, while greater present-day interdependence with perpetrators is associated with more support for restorative justice measures. While acknowledging the legacy of wartime violence, we highlight the importance of the postwar context and institutional mechanisms that support victims in reconstructing their lives.
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| 18. |
- Hoyle, Aiden, et al.
(författare)
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Weapons of mass division : Sputnik Latvia's Russophobia narratives and testing the rejectionidentification model in Russian speakers in Latvia
- 2024
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The effects of exposure to Russian propaganda have long been feared; however, academic research examining responses is scarce. This study aims to investigate the responses of Russian speakers in Latvia to a narrative propagated by the Kremlin-sponsored media outlet Sputnik Latvia that narrates Latvian government policy as Russophobic. The potential to entrench existing ethnopolitical divisions has been highlighted as a possible effect of Russian speakers consuming this narration. We adopt a comprehensive, mixed-method research approach, where we first provide an analysis of the content of Sputnik Latvia's Russophobia narrative in its recent output. Then, using this analysis, we examine how Russian-speaking participants respond to this content in a preregistered survey experiment and a focus group. Theoretically, we orient around the rejection-identification model. This predicts individuals to generally experience lower well-being after perceiving group-based discrimination, but that embracing the stigmatized identity can help maintain well-being despite this perceived devaluation. Our results showed that even brief exposure to Sputnik Latvia's Russophobia narrative led to higher levels of perceived discrimination and group identification in Russian speakers. However, we found no significant effects on well-being, which deviates from extant literature on discrimination. We discuss the reasons for this and suggest future directions.
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
- Mannergren Selimovic, Johanna
(författare)
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Challenges of Postconflict Coexistence : Narrating Truth and Justice in a Bosnian Town
- 2015
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 36:2, s. 231-242
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article sets out to deepen our understanding of how people make everyday strategies for living together after mass atrocities and what role transitional justice may play for these strategies. Based on a study in the small town of Foa in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the analysis unpacks the encounter between three clusters of narratives that make competing moral claims and offer different ways of ordering the past, present, and future: the institutional narrative formed globally at various institutions of transitional justice and here represented in the local by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY); the collective narratives of ethnonationalism constructed by entrepreneurs in politics and media and fed into daily discourses; and individual narratives in the margins that refuse collective categorizations. The article argues that the ICTY narrative, based on individual justice and factual truth, was, contrary to its aims, used to enforce exclusionist and collective claims. At the same time, less dominant narratives embraced the ICTY narrative, which suggests that the tribunal may potentially play a constructive role as an archive for the future.
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| 21. |
- Markiewicz, Tadek, et al.
(författare)
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When Victimhood Goes to War? : Israel and Victim Claims
- 2021
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 42:1, s. 111-126
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Prominent sociopsychological approaches interpret collective victimhood as inseparable, central characteristic of societies involved in intractable conflicts. Victimhood is broadly perceived as an essential conflict-supportive belief also in other disciplines. In the context of Israel, there is a cross-disciplinary consensus that collective victimhood is the country's foundational identity. This project argues that states' employment of this theme changes and is context dependent. It discusses under what conditions Israel's political elites incorporate victim narratives towards armed conflicts. It examines public communication during the 2012 Operation Pillar of Defense (OPD) and the Yom Kippur war of 1973 (YKW). Employing a modified method of narrative conceptualization analysis, the research demonstrates that victim narratives were used almost twice as much during OPD than during YKW. The findings suggest that we need to differentiate between the role these narratives play for collectives versus states. For the latter, the presence of victim narratives is highly variable and reflects strategic developments. The project is the first systematic study exposing that victim narratives can be a challenge for governance. By conceptualizing victim narratives as claims, it captures the dynamic, contextual characteristics of collective victimhood in state affairs offering a theoretical tool for understanding the political dimension of this identification.
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| 22. |
- Mirisola, Alberto, et al.
(författare)
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Societal threat to safety, compensatory control, and right-wing authoritarianism
- 2014
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 35:6, s. 795-812
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- We analyzed directly and indirectly the relationships between societal threat to safety, perceived control, and the increase in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) in two studies. In Study 1 (national sample of the Italian population, N=1,169), we performed a longitudinal analysis structured into three waves (January 2003, September 2004, and January 2005). A moderated regression analysis showed that RWA increased from 2003 to 2005 as a function of perceived societal threat to safety more among low- than among high RWA scorers. In experimental Study 2 (Italian university students, N=131) a moderated mediation model showed loss of perceived control to mediate the relation between societal threat to safety and the increase in RWA, but among low authoritarians only. Limitations, implications, and possible developments of this research are discussed.
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| 23. |
- Nilsson, Artur
(författare)
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Antidemocratic tendencies on the left, the right, and beyond: A critical review of the theory and measurement of left-wing authoritarianism
- 2024
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : WILEY. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A series of new conceptualizations of left-wing authoritarianism have recently been proposed to counterbalance the traditional focus on right-wing authoritarianism in political psychology. This article scrutinizes conceptual confusions in the literature on authoritarianism that have been exacerbated by these new conceptualizations, including a pseudo-debate about the existence of left-wing authoritarianism; a conflation of the psychological phenomenon of authoritarianism with the more general category of all antidemocratic predispositions; and a number of logical, conceptual, and statistical fallacies that obscure psychological differences between antidemocratic predispositions on the right and the left. It proposes that antidemocratic predispositions on the right typically involve an authoritarian adherence to established norms along with violence and repression directed at perceived threats to, or deviations from, these norms, whereas those that occur on the left more commonly involve a motivation to overthrow the established authority along with violence and repression directed at perceived threats to superordinate ideological values. It concludes with a call for a broadened and reinvigorated program of research that studies the complexity and diversity of antidemocratic predispositions on the left, the right, and beyond, and their causal impact on antidemocratic attitudes and actions, drawing on insights from multiple traditions and fields of research.
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| 24. |
- Obaidi, Milan, et al.
(författare)
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The Mistreatment of My People : Victimization by Proxy and Behavioral Intentions to Commit Violence Among Muslims in Denmark
- 2018
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 39:3, s. 577-593
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Islamist extremism is often explained by the suffering endured by Muslims in Islamic countries as a result of Western-led wars. However, many terrorist attacks have been carried out by European Muslims with no personal experiences of war. Across two studies among Danish Muslims, we tested if what we call victimization-by-proxy processes motivate behavioral intentions to commit acts of violence. We used Muslim identification, perceived injustice of Western foreign policies, and group-based anger to predict violent and nonviolent behavioral intentions. More importantly, we compared path models of Danish Muslims from conflict zones with those without direct personal experience of Western-led occupation. We found similar effects among the participants in each category, that is, vicarious psychological responses mimicked those of personally experienced adversity. In fact, participants born in Western Europe were, on average, more strongly identified with Muslims, more likely to perceive Western foreign policy as more unjust, reported greater group-based anger, and were more inclined to help Muslims both by nonviolent and violent means.
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| 25. |
- Olsson, MIT, et al.
(författare)
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Gender Gap in Parental Leave Intentions : Evidence from 37 Countries
- 2023
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Ingår i: Political Psychology. - : Wiley-Blackwell Publishing Ltd. - 0162-895X .- 1467-9221. ; 44:6, s. 1163-1192
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Despite global commitments and efforts, a gender-based division of paid and unpaid work persists. To identify how psychological factors, national policies, and the broader sociocultural context contribute to this inequality, we assessed parental-leave intentions in young adults (18–30 years old) planning to have children (N = 13,942; 8,880 identified as women; 5,062 identified as men) across 37 countries that varied in parental-leave policies and societal gender equality. In all countries, women intended to take longer leave than men. National parental-leave policies and women's political representation partially explained cross-national variations in the gender gap. Gender gaps in leave intentions were paradoxically larger in countries with more gender-egalitarian parental-leave policies (i.e., longer leave available to both fathers and mothers). Interestingly, this cross-national variation in the gender gap was driven by cross-national variations in women's (rather than men's) leave intentions. Financially generous leave and gender-egalitarian policies (linked to men's higher uptake in prior research) were not associated with leave intentions in men. Rather, men's leave intentions were related to their individual gender attitudes. Leave intentions were inversely related to career ambitions. The potential for existing policies to foster gender equality in paid and unpaid work is discussed.
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