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Numrering	Referens	Omslagsbild	Hitta
1.	Aggeborn, Linuz, 1986-, et al. (författare) Disentangling the Impact of Civil Association Membership on Political Participation : Evidence from Swedish Panel Data 2021 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge Scholars Publishing. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 51:4, s. 1773-1781 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract What is the effect of membership in civil associations on political participation? Membership has been linked to providing social capital and personal networks, which in turn help citizens more easily navigate politics. Yet this link is empirically complex, since politically interested individuals self-select into networks and associations. This research note addresses the impact of membership on different forms of political participation using a panel survey from Sweden that distinguishes between passive and active membership in various types of associations. The baseline results reaffirm a strong association between membership and political participation. The survey's panel dimension is exploited to reveal that earlier scholarship has likely overstated the robustness of membership's participatory effects. Rather, the remaining impact of association membership in the panel specification is mainly driven by types of associations for which the highest degree of selection behaviour is expected.
2.	Aggeborn, Linuz, 1986-, et al. (författare) Granting Immigrants the Right to Vote in National Elections : Empirical Evidence from Swedish Administrative Data 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 54:3, s. 712-729 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many countries have extended local voting rights to non-citizen residents. However, empirical evidence indicates that voter turnout among non-naturalized immigrants is lower when compared to citizens. This raises the question of how to explain this difference. A common answer is that the low turnout rates of non-citizen residents are primarily due to the socio-economic composition of this group and the challenges involved in adapting to a new political system. An alternative but less discussed possibility is that the low turnout concerns the nature of the elections. Hence, we examine whether the turnout of non-citizens is hampered because they are only allowed to partake in local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design (RDD) using Swedish administrative data, we find that turnout could increase by 10-20 percentage points if the voting rights of non-citizens were extended to the national level.
3.	Boräng, Frida, 1977, et al. (författare) Political Equality and Substantive Representation by Interest Groups 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52, s. 1447-1454 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract The interest group literature has long struggled with how to empirically approach the normative idea of a non-biased group system. While most previous attempts have focused on the descriptive representation of different types of groups, this article argues that substantive representation of citizens' attitudes is closer to the democratic principle of equal effective participation. It develops a methodological approach that captures substantive representation with respect to agenda priorities and policies by surveying interest groups on how much time they spend on lobbying in different policy areas, and in which direction they lobby on salient policy issues. The responses are compared with opinion data to estimate the level of political (in)equality. The findings from the case of Sweden - where relatively high levels of equality would be expected, but striking levels of inequality based on socio-economic status are instead found - highlight the perseverance of what Schattschneider once called the upper-class bias of the pressure system.
4.	Bratsberg, Bernt, et al. (författare) Birth Order and Voter Turnout 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52:1, s. 475-482 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Previous studies have stressed the role of a child's family environment for future political participation. This field of research has, however, overlooked that children within the same family have different experiences depending on their birth order. First-borns spend their first years of life without having to compete over their parents' attention and resources, while their younger siblings are born into potential rivalry. We examine differences in turnout depending on birth order, using unique population-wide individual level register data from Sweden and Norway that enables precise within-family estimates. We consistently find that higher birth order entails lower turnout, and that the turnout differential with respect to birth order is stronger when turnout is lower. The link between birth order and turnout holds when we use data from four other, non-Nordic countries. This birth order effect appears to be partly mediated by socio-economic position and attitudinal predispositions.
5.	Dahlström, Carl, 1972, et al. (författare) The Political Dynamics of Bureaucratic Turnover 2019 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 49:3, s. 823-836 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
6.	Dahlström, Carl, et al. (författare) The Political Dynamics of Bureaucratic Turnover 2019 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 49:3, s. 823-836 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This Research Note explores the political dynamics of bureaucratic turnover. It argues that changes in a government's policy objectives can shift both political screening strategies and bureaucratic selection strategies, which produces turnover of agency personnel. To buttress this conjecture, it analyzes a unique dataset tracing the careers of all agency heads in the Swedish executive bureaucracy between 1960 and 2014. It shows that, despite serving on fixed terms and with constitutionally protected decision-making powers, Swedish agency heads are considerably more likely to leave their posts following partisan shifts in government. The note concludes that, even in institutional systems seemingly designed to insulate bureaucratic expertise from political control, partisan politics can shape the composition of agency personnel.
7.	Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al. (författare) Elite Communication and the Popular Legitimacy of International Organizations 2021 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 51:3, s. 1292-1313 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of the effects of elite communication on citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Departing from cueing theory, it develops novel hypotheses about the effects of elite communication under the specific conditions of global governance. It tests these hypotheses by conducting a population-based survey experiment among almost 10,000 residents of three countries in relation to five IOs. The evidence suggests four principal findings. First, communication by national governments and civil society organizations has stronger effects on legitimacy perceptions than communication by IOs themselves. Secondly, elite communication affects legitimacy perceptions irrespective of whether it invokes IOs’ procedures or performance as grounds for criticism or endorsement. Thirdly, negative messages are more effective than positive messages in shaping citizens' legitimacy perceptions. Fourthly, comparing across IOs indicates that elite communication is more often effective in relation to the IMF, NAFTA and WTO, than the EU and UN.
8.	Duus-Otterström, Göran, 1978 (författare) Emissions Sufficientarianism 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 54:2 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This paper defends strong emissions sufficientarianism as an approach to assigning moral rights to generate greenhouse gas emissions. Strong emissions sufficientarianism holds that only subsistence emitting is morally permissible. This paper argues that, since it is uncertain how many subsistence emissions there will be, the present generation owes it to future generations to refrain from generating non-subsistence emissions, not to risk imposing on them a tragic choice between sacrificing themselves and contributing to very dangerous climate change. The paper also addresses the charge that emissions sufficientarianism, in general, is too permissive since it entails a right to contribute to very dangerous climate change. The overall message is that, given the moral urgency posed by climate change, there is little room for distributive principles besides emissions sufficientarianism. This casts doubt on the appropriateness of relying on carbon budgets in assigning rights to emit.
9.	Duus-Otterström, Göran, 1978 (författare) Subsistence Emissions and Climate Justice 2023 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 53:3, s. 919-933 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract The climate justice literature typically endorses a moral right to produce subsistence emissions, but this right appears problematic considering how urgent it has become to reduce all emissions. It seems that we are currently facing a dilemma between respecting people’s right to subsistence and keeping emissions within a reasonably safe budget. This article argues, however, that there is no reason why a moral permission to produce subsistence emissions must be accompanied by an exemption from responsibility. Even when we are dealing with subsistence emissions, we can demand that people correct for having emitted if they can do so without jeopardizing their own vital interests. This reduces the tension between the right to produce subsistence emissions and avoiding very significant climate change. If many emitters offset their subsistence emissions or contribute to adaptation and compensation because of them, the negative consequences of recognizing this right are tempered when it comes to both mitigating climate change and responding to its adverse effects.
10.	Erman, Eva (författare) A Function-Sensitive Approach to the Political Legitimacy of Global Governance 2020 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 50:3, s. 1001-1024 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This article draws attention to an aspect that thus far has escaped systematic scrutiny in the theoretical literature on the political legitimacy of global governance – functions. It does so by exploring the idea that the content and justiﬁcation of a principle of political legitimacy for global governance may depend on the function of the entity it is supposed to regulate (for example, law making, policy making, implementation, monitoring). Two arguments are made: one meta-theoretical and one substantive. The metatheoretical argument demonstrates the fruitfulness of adopting a ‘function-sensitive approach’ to political legitimacy to address this aspect. The substantive argument develops the contours of an account of political legitimacy by applying this approach. This account consists of ﬁve regulative principles, which are sensitive to, and vary in accordance with, different functions in global politics.
11.	Erman, Eva, 1971-, et al. (författare) Political Legitimacy in the Real Normative World : The Priority of Morality and the Autonomy of the Political 2015 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 45:1, s. 215-233 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract According to what has recently been labeled 'political realism' in political theory, 'political moralists' such as Rawls and Dworkin misconstrue the political domain by presuming that morality has priority over politics, thus overlooking that the political is an autonomous domain with its own distinctive conditions and normative sources. Political realists argue that this presumption, commonly referred to as the 'ethics first premise', has to be abandoned in order to properly theorize a normative conception of political legitimacy. This article critically examines two features of political realism, which so far have received too little systematic philosophical analysis: the political realist critique of political moralism and the challenges facing political realism in its attempt to offer an alternative account of political legitimacy. Two theses are defended. First, to the extent that proponents of political realism wish to hold onto a normative conception of political legitimacy, refuting wholesale the ethics first premise leads to a deadlock, since it throws the baby out with the bathwater by closing the normative space upon which their account of political legitimacy relies. This is called the 'necessity thesis': all coherent and plausible conceptions of political legitimacy must hold onto the ethics first premise. Secondly, accepting this premise - and thus defending an ethics first view - does not entail that the political domain must be seen as a subordinate arena for the application of moral principles, that political normativity is reduced to morality or that morality trumps other reasons in political decision making, as claimed by political realists. Rather, the ethics first view is compatible with an autonomous political domain that makes room for an account of political legitimacy that is defined by and substantiated from sources of normativity specifically within the political. This is called the 'compatibility thesis'.
12.	Esaiasson, Peter, 1957, et al. (författare) Reconsidering the Role of Procedures for Decision Acceptance 2019 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 49:1, s. 291-314 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Procedural fairness theory posits that the way in which authoritative decisions are made strongly impacts people's willingness to accept them. This article challenges this claim by contending that democratic governments can achieve little in terms of acceptance of policy decisions by the procedural means at their disposal. Instead, outcome favorability is the dominant determinant of decision acceptance. The article explicates that while central parts of procedural fairness theory are true, outcome favorability is still overwhelmingly the strongest determinant of individuals' willingness to accept authoritative decisions. It improves on previous research by locating all key variables into one causal model and testing this model using appropriate data. Findings from a large number of experiments (both vignette and field) reproduce the expected relationships from previous research and support the additional predictions.
13.	Fiva, Jon H., et al. (författare) Mechanical and Psychological Effects of Electoral Reform 2016 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 46:2, s. 265-279 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract To understand how electoral reform affects political outcomes, one needs to assess its total effect, incorporating how the reform affects the outcomes given the political status quo (the mechanical effects) and the additional reactions of political agents (the psychological effects). This article proposes a framework to ascertain the relative magnitude of mechanical and various psychological effects. The empirical approach is based on pairwise comparisons of actual and counterfactual seat allocation outcomes. It uses the design to analyze a nationwide municipal electoral reform in Norway, which changed the seat allocation method from D’Hondt to Modified Sainte-Lague. The study documents clear psychological effects.
14.	Fjelde, Hanne, et al. (författare) Electoral Institutions and Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa 2016 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 46:2, s. 297-320 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Political violence remains a pervasive feature of electoral dynamics in many countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, even where multiparty elections have become the dominant mode of regulating access to political power. With cross-national data on electoral violence in Sub-Saharan African elections between 1990 and 2010, this article develops and tests a theory that links the use of violent electoral tactics to the high stakes put in place by majoritarian electoral institutions. It is found that electoral violence is more likely in countries that employ majoritarian voting rules and elect fewer legislators from each district. Majoritarian institutions are, as predicted by theory, particularly likely to provoke violence where large ethno-political groups are excluded from power and significant economic inequalities exist.
15.	Fjelde, Hanne, 1978-, et al. (författare) Protecting the Vote? : Peacekeeping Presence and the Risk of Electoral Violence 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52:3, s. 1113-1132 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Democracy assistance, including the promotion of electoral security, is often a central component of contemporary peacekeeping operations. Preventing violence during post-conflict elections is critical for the war-to-democracy transition. Yet little is known about the role of peacekeepers in this effort. To fill this gap, this study provides the first comprehensive sub-national study of peacekeeping effectiveness in reducing the risk of electoral violence. It combines geo-referenced data on peacekeeping deployment across all multidimensional peacekeeping missions in Africa over the past two decades with fine-grained data on electoral violence. The analysis finds a negative association between peacekeeping presence and the risk of electoral violence. The relationship is of a similar magnitude in the pre- and post-election periods. However, the association is more strongly negative for violence perpetrated by non-state actors compared to violence perpetrated by government-affiliated actors. Analyses using two-way fixed-effects models and matching mitigate potential selection biases.
16.	Frödin Gruneau, Moa, 1985, et al. (författare) Working Mothers and Political Daughters: Intergenerational Dynamics of Women's Political Officeholding 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract We study a new driving factor of women's inclusion in politics: the economic empowerment of their mothers. We evaluate Swedish microdata on politicians and their parents over fifty years. The results demonstrate a strong intergenerational dynamic from mothers to daughters. Female politicians come from households where their mother is more likely to be employed, earns more in the labour market, and earns a larger share of household earnings. This pattern was strong among parliamentarians in the 1970s and 1980s when female numerical representation increased rapidly in Sweden but is not present in national politics after the introduction of gender quotas in the early 1990s or in local politics.
17.	Gunderson, Jacob, 1994 (författare) When Does Income Inequality Cause Polarization? 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52, s. 1315-1332 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Scholars have long been concerned with the implications of income inequality for democracy. Conventional wisdom suggests that high income inequality is associated with political parties taking polarized positions as the left advocates for increased redistribution while the right aims to entrench the position of economic elites. This article argues that the connection between party positions and income inequality depends on how party bases are sorted by income and the issue content of national elections. It uses data from European national elections from 1996 to 2016 to show that income inequality has a positive relationship with party polarization on economic issues when partisans are sorted with respect to income and when economic issues are relatively salient in elections. When these factors are weak, however, the author finds no relationship between income inequality and polarization.
18.	Harteveld, E., et al. (författare) Gender Differences in Vote Choice: Social Cues and Social Harmony as Heuristics 2019 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 49:3, s. 1141-1161 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Some parties are more popular among men, while other parties attract more female voters. This article proposes that these differences can be partially explained by two recurring gender differences in the socio-psychological literature. It argues that men's generally lower sensitivity to social cues makes them more likely to vote for stigmatized and small parties, whereas women's greater concern with social harmony is expected to make them less likely to vote for extreme parties. The models are tested at the individual and party levels using three waves of Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data from twenty-eight countries. Ceteris paribus, men are more likely than women to vote for parties that are socially stigmatized or ideologically extreme. This has consequences for the current understanding of gender gaps in voting, and reiterates that voting has important social aspects.
19.	Koenig, Thomas, et al. (författare) Bicameral conflict resolution in the European Union : An empirical analysis of conciliation committee bargains 2007 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 37:2, s. 281-312 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This article is a study of bicameral conflict resolution between the Council and the European Parliament in the European Union, which has established a bicameral conciliation process under the co-decision procedure. Scholars commonly agree that the European Parliament has gained power under the co-decision procedure, but the impact of the conciliation process on the power distribution between the Council and the European Parliament remains unclear. The scholarly debate suggests that the power of the institutional actors depends on their proximity to the status quo, the (im-)patience and the specific preference distribution of the institutional actors, although most analyses assume that the Commission plays an insignificant role. Using an ordered probit model, this study examines the power distribution between the two institutional actors, the factors for their bargaining success and the role of the Commission in the period between 1999 and 2002. The findings show that the European Parliament wins most conflicts, but that the Council is more successful in multi-dimensional disputes. The results confirm some theoretical claims made in the literature, such as the importance of the status quo location and of preference cohesiveness. However, they also reject a major assumption in the literature on the irrelevance of the Commission in the conciliation process, which we show to have an influential informational position for parliamentary success.
20.	Kölln, Ann-Kristin, 1986 (författare) When Do Citizens Consider Political Parties Legitimate? 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 54:1 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Research on negative partisanship and affective polarization shows that wholesale rejections of individual parties are a common and growing phenomenon. This article offers a novel perspective on assessments of parties by considering citizens' legitimacy perceptions of political parties as institutional players. Combining research on political parties and public opinion, I develop a theoretical framework that explains how parties' characteristics shape their perception as legitimate institutional players. I argue that governing experience, age, ideology, and democratic behaviour provide informational cues to citizens about how democratically dangerous a party is. To test my argument, I fielded a cross-sectional survey in seven West European countries and a large-scale survey experiment. The results consistently show that citizens use party-level cues such as ideological moderation and democratic behaviour to form party legitimacy perceptions. The findings have important public opinion implications for political parties and their institutional role in democracies.
21.	Lajevardi, Nazita, et al. (författare) Do Minorities Feel Welcome in Politics? A Cross-Cultural Study of the United States and Sweden 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Racial and ethnic minorities are underrepresented in most Western democracies. This article investigates one potential root cause behind this pattern: minority and majority citizens might expect to feel discriminated against if they enter politics. Using data from three large-scale surveys, we find that minorities in both the United States and Sweden are less likely to expect to feel welcome than the majority population. These discrepancies in expected discrimination persist, even after controlling for other factors. Moreover, expected discrimination is not without political consequences: those who expect to feel less welcome are less likely to indicate an interest in running for political office. Finally, these results do not differ for politically engaged citizens who constitute a more realistic pool of potential candidates. We conclude by discussing what expectations of discrimination can tell us about the fairness of the political system and how these attitudes shape political ambition among minorities.
22.	Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare) Immigrant Political Representation and Local Ethnic Concentration : Evidence from a Swedish Refugee Placement Program 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52:3, s. 997-1012 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This study leverages population registry data from Sweden to examine whether immigrants who live in areas with a high concentration of ethnic minorities are more or less likely to be nominated for political office. It exploits a refugee placement program in place in Sweden during the late 1980s and early 1990s that restricted refugees' opportunities to freely choose their place of residence. The article presents evidence that immigrants who live in areas with a high ethnic density are less likely to be nominated for political office. The findings have important implications for local integration policies as well as refugee placement policies, as many countries consider local context when resettling refugees.
23.	Lundgren, Magnus, et al. (författare) Selective Attention : The United Nations Security Council and Armed Conflict 2023 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 53:3, s. 958-979 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract What explains why the United Nations Security Council meets and deliberates on some armed conflicts but not others? We advance a theoretical argument centred on the role of conflict externalities, state interests and interest heterogeneity. We investigate data on the Security Council's deliberation on armed conflicts in the 1989–2019 period and make three key findings: (1) conflicts that generate substantive military or civilian deaths are more likely to attract the Security Council's attention; (2) permanent members are varyingly likely to involve the Security Council when their interests are at stake; and (3) in contrast to the conventional wisdom, conflicts over which members have divergent interests are more likely to enter the agenda than other conflicts. The findings have important implications for debates about the Security Council's attention, responsiveness to problems and role in world politics.
24.	Lundgren, Magnus, 1976, et al. (författare) Selective Attention: The United Nations Security Council and Armed Conflict 2023 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 53:3 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract What explains why the United Nations Security Council meets and deliberates on some armed conflicts but not others? We advance a theoretical argument centred on the role of conflict externalities, state interests and interest heterogeneity. We investigate data on the Security Council's deliberation on armed conflicts in the 1989-2019 period and make three key findings: (1) conflicts that generate substantive military or civilian deaths are more likely to attract the Security Council's attention; (2) permanent members are varyingly likely to involve the Security Council when their interests are at stake; and (3) in contrast to the conventional wisdom, conflicts over which members have divergent interests are more likely to enter the agenda than other conflicts. The findings have important implications for debates about the Security Council's attention, responsiveness to problems and role in world politics.
25.	Naurin, Elin, 1975, et al. (författare) Ethics in Elite Experiments: A Perspective of Officials and Voters 2021 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 51:2, s. 890-898 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
26.	Persson, Mikael (författare) Education and Political Participation 2015 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 45:03, s. 689-703 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behaviour it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate.
27.	Persson, Mikael J, 1980, et al. (författare) Patrimonial Economic Voting and Asset Value - New Evidence from Taxation Register Data 2018 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 48:3, s. 825-842 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Recent research on economic voting has moved beyond the traditional reward-punishment hypothesis, according to which the economy is merely considered a valence issue. Instead, patrimonial economic voting research looks at voters as property owners within the economic system. These studies have relied on survey items that measure whether individuals own different kinds of property to test the patrimonial dimension. This study emphasizes the importance of a surprisingly neglected aspect: the value of assets. It uses official register data files from the Swedish Tax Agency on the value of individuals' assets merged with survey data from the 2006 Swedish National Election Study. The study finds that the relationship between patrimony and voting behavior in Sweden is similar to that found in other countries, but only when it is tested in a similar way as in these studies - that is, only when it is coded as whether voters own different assets. This study brings three important contributions to the debate. First, it offers a new empirically based categorization of the dimensionality of asset ownership and shows that the previous distinction between low- and high-risk assets is insufficient. Secondly, it shows that merely having assets or not, which is what previous studies have measured, is not what primarily matters; the relevant factor is the value of the assets. And thirdly, it demonstrates that only the value of some kinds of assets matters (especially stocks and real estate properties), while other assets (savings in bonds and funds) do not affect voting behavior or political opinions.
28.	Persson, Mikael J, 1980 (författare) Review Article: Education and Political Participation. 2015 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 45:3, s. 689-703 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behaviour it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate
29.	Ping, Szu Ning, et al. (författare) The Effects of China's Development Projects on Political Accountability 2021 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract The literature on the relationship between foreign aid and institutions has found that the effects of aid vary across different donor characteristics and delivery mechanisms. This article focuses on China's resource-related development projects, which have been considered controversial due to the relative lack of conditionality. By distinguishing between vertical and horizontal dimensions of political accountability, the study finds that China's resource-related projects are particularly detrimental to the accountability of recipient countries' horizontal (legislative and judicial) institutions. These projects are often delivered to resource-rich countries, in the form of packaging access to resources and infrastructure construction, to improve China's own energy access. Local officials may be tempted to weaken horizontal institutions so that the projects can be implemented quickly. Nevertheless, these projects have little effect on vertical accountability, as China has less intention and capacity to fundamentally restrain electoral competition in recipient countries.
30.	Rekker, Roderik, et al. (författare) Hate Speech Prosecution of Politicians and its Effect on Support for the Legal System and Democracy 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 52:2, s. 886-907 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This study examined if and for whom prosecution of politicians for hate speech undermines support for the legal system and democracy. Three research designs were combined to investigate the case of Dutch politician Geert Wilders, who was convicted for hate speech against minorities in 2016. First, an experiment showed that observing a guilty verdict decreased support among 'assimilationists' who oppose the multicultural society. This deterioration of support was found among the entire group of assimilationists, regardless of whether they voted for Wilders. Secondly, a quasi-experiment demonstrated that assimilationists who were interviewed after Wilders' conviction indicated less support than those who were interviewed before the verdict and compared to a pre-test. Thirdly, a nine-year panel study suggested that these effects accumulate into long-term discontent. This case therefore demonstrates that hate speech prosecution can damage the democratic system it is intended to defend.
31.	Sieberer, Ulrich, et al. (författare) The Political Dynamics of Portfolio Design in European Democracies 2021 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 51:2, s. 772-787 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract The design of government portfolios – that is, the distribution of competencies among government ministries and office holders – has been largely ignored in the study of executive and coalition politics. This article argues that portfolio design is a substantively and theoretically relevant phenomenon that has major implications for the study of institutional design and coalition politics. The authors use comparative data on portfolio design reforms in nine Western European countries since the 1970s to demonstrate how the design of government portfolios changes over time. Specifically, they show that portfolios are changed frequently (on average about once a year) and that such shifts are more likely after changes in the prime ministership or the party composition of the government. These findings suggest a political logic behind these reforms based on the preferences and power of political parties and politicians. They have major implications for the study of institutional design and coalition politics.
32.	Tallberg, Jonas, et al. (författare) NGO Influence in International Organizations : Information, Access, and Exchange 2018 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 48:1, s. 213-238 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract While there is broad consensus that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) sometimes succeed in influencing policy-making within international organizations (IOs), there is much less agreement on the factors and conditions that make NGO lobbying effective. In this article, we make two contributions to this debate. First, we examine the determinants of influence among NGOs active in different IOs, issue areas, and policy phases. The analysis builds on original survey data of more than 400 NGOs involved in five different IOs, complemented by elite interviews with IO and state officials. Second, we advance a specific argument about how the strategic exchange of information and access between NGOs and IOs increases NGO influence in IOs. We contrast this argument, derived from theories of lobbying in American and European politics, with three alternative explanations of NGO influence, privileging material resources, transnational networks, and public-opinion mobilization, and sketch the broader implications of our results for research on NGOs in global governance.
33.	Åberg, Jenny, et al. (författare) A Structured Review of Semi-Presidential Studies : Debates, Results, and Missing Pieces 2020 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 50:3, s. 1111-1136 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This study maps the general lines of semi-presidential research with regard to theory, topics and methods. It identifies research gaps and provides recommendations for future studies. The review includes a general screening of 327 publications covering the period 1970–2015, and a close reading of sixty-five selected publications. The findings suggest that the inconsistent use of regime type definitions has limited the possibilities for generalizations. The study tracks the influence of some seminal articles, as well as the recent trend of focusing on the role and powers of the president. The article calls for more studies beyond Europe, and suggests that the field would benefit from including Historical and Normative Institutionalism. Finally, it suggests the need for studies on public administration that are relevant to the functioning of semi-presidential government.
34.	Öhberg, Patrik, 1971, et al. (författare) Party-constrained Policy Responsiveness: A Survey Experiment on Politicians' Response to Citizen-initiated Contacts 2016 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 46:4, s. 785-797 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract How do individual party representatives respond to direct policy requests from citizens when the requests go against the party's position? In a survey experiment, 2,547 Swedish politicians are randomly assigned to scenarios in which citizens make contact to influence a political decision. Their willingness to respond to citizens' policy requests is measured using six indicators that capture adaptive as well as communicative responsiveness. The results show a lower willingness to adapt and to communicate when the request disagrees with the party's position. The effect is mitigated when politicians agree with the proposal and when likely voters make contact, but only for listening and adaptive responses, not for explaining responses (which have the opposite relationship). Important findings for future research are that the party matters for politicians' responsiveness and that their willingness to give explaining responses follows a different logic than for listening and adaptive responses. © Cambridge University Press 2015.
35.	Öhberg, Patrik, 1971, et al. (författare) Party-constrained responsiveness. A survey experiment with Swedish politicians on response to citizen-initiated contacts 2016 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 46:4, s. 785-797 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
36.	Christensen, Love (författare) How Does Uncertainty Affect Voters' Preferences? 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 52, s. 1186-1204 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Rational voters care about outcomes, while parties campaign on policy proposals, the outcomes of which are never perfectly known. Can parties exploit this uncertainty to shape public opinion? This article presents a spatial preference model for policy proposals with uncertain outcomes. It reports the results of a large pre-registered survey experiment that involved presenting respondents with predictions about the effects of three policy proposals. The findings show that respondents update their attitudes to the proposals as their beliefs about outcomes change, and that parties are no less able to influence beliefs than non-partisan experts. Contrary to previous research, respondents discount outcome uncertainty by giving equal weight to conflicting optimistic and pessimistic predictions. The study shows that parties can shape public opinion by influencing voter beliefs, and that voters are not repelled by the uncertainty inherent in conflicting information. Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press.
37.	Kraft, Patrick W, et al. (författare) Lexical Ambiguity in Political Rhetoric: Why Morality Doesn't Fit in a Bag of Words 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 54:1, s. 201-219 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract How do politicians use moral appeals in their rhetoric? Previous research suggests that morality plays an important role in elite communication and that the endorsement of specific values varies systematically across the ideological spectrum. We argue that this view is incomplete since it only focuses on whether certain values are endorsed and not how they are contextualized by politicians. Using a novel sentence embedding approach, we show that although liberal and conservative politicians use the same moral terms, they attach diverging meanings to these values. Accordingly, the politics of morality is not about the promotion of specific moral values per se but, rather, a competition over their respective meaning. Our results highlight that simple dictionary-based methods to measure moral rhetoric may be insufficient since they fail to account for the semantic contexts in which words are used and, therefore, risk overlooking important features of political communication and party competition.
38.	L. Cermeño, Alexandra, et al. (författare) Railroads and Reform: How Trains Strengthened the Nation State 2022 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 52, s. 715-735 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This paper examines the relationship between the coming of the railroads, the expansion of primary education, and the introduction of national school curricula. Using fine-grained data on local education outcomes in Sweden in the nineteenth century, the paper tests the idea that the development of the railroad network enabled national school inspectors to monitor remote schools more effectively. In localities to which school inspectors could travel by rail, a larger share of children attended permanent public schools and took classes in nation-building subjects such as geography and history. By contrast, the parochial interests of local and religious authorities continued to dominate in remote areas school inspectors could not reach by train. The paper argues for a causal interpretation of these findings, which are robust for the share of children in permanent schools and suggestive for the content of the curriculum. The paper therefore concludes that the railroad, the defining innovation of the First Industrial Revolution, mattered directly for the state's ability to implement public policies.
39.	Lindvall, Johannes, et al. (författare) The Insider-Outsider Dilemma 2014 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 44:2, s. 460-475 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
40.	Lindvall, Johannes, 1975, et al. (författare) When Parties Move to the Middle: The Role of Uncertainty 2023 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 53:4, s. 1208-1229 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Political parties face a crucial trade-off between electoral and partisan goals: should they put electoral goals first, pursuing the policies they think will win them the most votes in the next election, or should they put partisan goals first, pursuing the policies their members, activists, and most loyal voters prefer? In this paper we argue that main political parties make different choices depending on the information environment they are in. They have strong incentives to follow the median voter when the median voter's position is well known, but when there is more uncertainty they have strong incentives to adopt policies they prefer for partisan reasons, since uncertainty makes party leaders more willing to bet that the party's preferred policies are also vote winners. We develop an empirical analysis of how the main parties on the left and the right in twenty democracies have changed their platforms from election to election since the 1960s.
41.	Pereira, M. M., et al. (författare) The Expertise Paradox: How Policy Expertise Can Hinder Responsiveness 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 54:2, s. 474-491 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract We argue that policy expertise constrains the ability of politicians to act on voter preferences. Representatives with more knowledge and experience in a given domain have more confidence in their own issue-specific positions. Enhanced confidence, in turn, may lead politicians to discount opinions they disagree with, producing a distorted image of the electorate. Two experiments with Swedish politicians support this argument. First, officials are more likely to dismiss appeals from voters in their areas of expertise and less likely to accept that opposing views may represent the majority opinion. Consistent with the proposed mechanism, in a second experiment we show that inducing perceptions of expertise increases self-confidence. The results suggest that representatives with more specialized knowledge in a given area may be less capable of acting as delegates in that domain. The study provides a novel explanation for variations in policy responsiveness.
42.	Persson, Mikael J, 1980, et al. (författare) The Rich Have a Slight Edge: Evidence from Comparative Data on Income-Based Inequality in Policy Congruence 2024 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 54:2, s. 514-525 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Several recent studies have found unequal policy responsiveness, meaning that the policy preferences of high-income citizens are better reflected in implemented policies than the policy preferences of low-income citizens. This has been found mainly in a few studies from the US and a small number of single-country studies from Western Europe. However, there is a lack of comparative studies that stake out the terrain across a broader group of countries. We analyze survey data on the policy preferences of about 3,000 policy proposals from thirty European countries over nearly forty years, combined with information on whether each policy proposal was implemented or not. The results from the cross-country data confirm the general pattern from previous studies that policies supported by the rich are more likely to be implemented than those supported by the poor. We also test four explanations commonly found in the literature: whether unequal responsiveness is exacerbated by (a) high economic inequality, (b) the absence of campaign finance regulations, (c) low union density, and (d) low voter turnout.
43.	Strobl, Daniel, et al. (författare) Electoral Cycles in Government Policy Making : Strategic Timing of Austerity Reform Measures in Western Europe 2021 Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234. ; 51:1, s. 331-352 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract This article investigates whether governing parties strategically time austerity policies to help them win re-election. It contributes to existing research by focusing directly on government policy output, analyzing over 1,200 welfare and taxation austerity measures in thirteen Western European countries over twenty years. In line with previous research, the authors find that governments become less likely to introduce austerity measures as elections approach. The study introduces original hypotheses about which governments have the ability and opportunity to strategically time policy decisions. The authors suggest that minimal winning cabinets with leadership change (new prime ministers) face less complex bargaining environments and can credibly shift responsibility for austerity measures to the preceding government. The empirical analyses show that these governments are most likely to strategically time austerity policies.
44.	Bjellerup, P, et al. (författare) Limited neuropeptide Y precursor processing in unfavourable metastatic neuroblastoma tumours 2000 Ingår i: British journal of cancer. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0007-0920 .- 1532-1827. ; 83:2, s. 171-176 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
45.	Falck, Anna-Karin, et al. (författare) St Gallen molecular subtypes in screening-detected and symptomatic breast cancer in a prospective cohort with long-term follow-up. 2016 Ingår i: British Journal of Surgery. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 1365-2168 .- 0007-1323. ; 103:5, s. 513-523 Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract Diagnosis by screening mammography is considered an independent positive prognostic factor, although the data are not fully in agreement. The aim of the study was to explore whether the mode of detection (screening-detected versus symptomatic) adds prognostic information to the St Gallen molecular subtypes of primary breast cancer, in terms of 10-year cumulative breast cancer mortality (BCM).

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