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1.
  • Berg, Anne, 1981-, et al. (author)
  • Redaktörerna [sic!] har ordet
  • 2023
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827 .- 0018-263X .- 1504-2944. ; 143:2, s. 135-136
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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2.
  • Engström, Alexander, 1985- (author)
  • Skogskris och resurskonflikt : Debatten om skogsödande i Sverige 1740–1820
  • 2024
  • In: Historisk Tidsskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944 .- 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 144:2, s. 199-223
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • In the eighteenth century, Sweden saw a fierce, elite-driven debate in Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien (Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences) and Kungl. Patriotiska sällskapet (Royal Patriotic Society) about the country’s wood shortage. It was echoed in several strict forest ordinances, introduced primarily to safeguard the interests of the iron industry. The elite tended to blame the peasantry and their supposed ”skogsödande” or squandering of forestry resources. If the waste of timber and fuel could not be halted, there would be no end to the misery that would befall the country for generations to come; however, were sustainable forestry practices and responsible wood use to be adopted, in accordance with the elite’s proposals, then there would be no limit to Sweden’s prosperity and success.The various explanations of the waste of forestry resources intersected with contemporary cameralism, but also drew on the traditional elite arguments about resource management, making a clear distinction between progressive, moral, patriarchal elite rule and the backward practices of recalcitrant commoners – a distinction that centred on the discourses of threat and solution. It was believed the peasantry were guilty of forest degradation and thus it was their responsibility to remedy it. Any and all of the peasants’ practices, no matter how minor, were thought evidence of their poor forest management and wasteful use of wood. This gave the elite the opportunity to frame such practices as against the interests of the nation and even the peasantry. Good governance by the elite was essential for the preservation of the woodlands, as well as optimising wood use and replacing wood with wood-saving alternatives. Only then could Sweden’s forests be made to flourish again.The peasantry countered the elite’s arguments by portraying themselves as both professional and patriotic foresters, who possessed all the skills for sustainable forestry. They contended that the cause of forest degradation lay not with the peasantry, but with overzealous legislators and officials, regulations, trade barriers, levies, and overambitious infrastructure projects. As such, the peasantry argued that only through deregulation and land reform to benefit privately owned forests would the Swedish state be able to mitigate the threat of deforestation and save one of its most precious resources.
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3.
  • Monié-Nordin, Jonas, 1970-, et al. (author)
  • Kolonialt samlande i Sápmi
  • 2020
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827 .- 0018-263X .- 1504-2944. ; 140:3, s. 529-542
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)
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4.
  • Gustafsson, Tommy, 1969-, et al. (author)
  • Porren inför lagen : Två fallstudier angående den officiella attityden till offentligt visad pornografisk film 1921 och 1971
  • 2009
  • In: Historisk Tidsskrift. - Stockholm : Historiska föreningen. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944 .- 0345-469X. ; 129:3, s. 445-465
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • In this article, two case studies from 1921–22 and 1971 respectively, are juxtaposed in order to determine change in official attitudes and screening contexts for pornographic films. Focusing in the first case on an exhibitor who in 1922 was convicted of screening an obscene film on three occasions the year before, and in the other case on the range of venues for pornographic films in Malmö the month before the removal of the obscenity clause from the penal code in Swedish law, the authors conclude that public but secret screenings of clandestinely circulated films for all-male audiences did take place in 1921. The question can be raised as to whether women also sometimes attended. In 1971, however, one could see semi-pornographic feature films in regular cinemas and hardcore short films at so called sex clubs which also featured strip and live shows. Referring to a survey published in 1969, in which a slight majority of the informants were against pornography, the authors finally argue that perhaps the authorities had undergone the greatest transformation in attitude, whereas the general public only changed their views slightly between 1921 and 1971.
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5.
  • Hassan Jansson, Karin, 1966-, et al. (author)
  • En empirisk historia
  • 2022
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 142:3, s. 307-319
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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6.
  • Ahlbäck, Anders, 1973- (author)
  • En klassiker som skaver litet
  • 2020
  • In: Historisk Tidsskrift. - : Scandinavian University Press / Universitetsforlaget AS. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944. ; 99:3, s. 233-238
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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9.
  • Jørgensen, Finn Arne, 1975-, et al. (author)
  • Entangled Environments : Historians and Nature in the Nordic Countries
  • 2013
  • In: Historisk Tidsskrift. - Oslo, Norway : Universitetsforlaget. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944. ; 92:1, s. 9-34
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This article discusses recent developments in Nordic environmental history scholarship in light of the concept of the Anthropocene. Taking nature and culture as entangled with each other, the article explores questions of definitions, disciplinary knowledge and the need for interdisciplinarity, and the problem of national, spatial and temporal boundaries in environmental history. Both natural spaces and the scientific knowledge we have about nature need to be historicized. The article concludes with a look to the future of Nordic environmental history.
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10.
  • Böter och fredsköp : Jämtlands och Härjedalens saköreslängder 1601–1645
  • 2016
  • In: Historisk tidsskrift. - Östersund : Landsarkivet i Östersund. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944.
  • Editorial collection (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • This is an edition, with commentary, of a series of judicial accounts for the pro­vinces of Jämtland and Härjedalen, dating from 1601 to 1645. Jämtland and Här­jedalen are today parts of Sweden, but belonged to Norway until 1645. During the period in question, Norway was part of the dualistic unitary state of Den­mark-Norway. The present accounts were made by the bailiffs serving in Jämtland and Härje­dalen. They report fines collected by the bailiffs and the misdeeds people were fined for. The bailiffs were subordinate to the feudal lord residing in Trond­heim, who had the right to one sixth of the fines collected. The rest of the fines went, together with the accounts and other revenues and records as well, to the treasury of King Kristian IV in Copenhagen. Today all these records are kept in the national archives of Norway and Sweden. In the introduction, Per Sörlin describes and discusses the contents of the judicial accounts, the criminality they reflect, the social setting, the administra­tion in Jämtland and Härjedalen, along with other subjects. In the main part of the edition all text of the judicial accounts is transcribed. Two lists of so-called ‘fredsköp’ (purchases of peace), i.e. fines for eluding outlawry after the 1611–1613 war against Sweden, are included as appendices. These fines were paid by farmers of Jämtland who were punished by the Danish King for disloyalty during the war. Also included in the edition are an investigation of the feudal lords and bailiffs in charge in Jämtland and Härjedalen 1601–45, indices of place-names and officials, and a word list.
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11.
  • Holm, Olof, 1973- (author)
  • Förstörelsen av helgonbilder i reformationstidens Jämtland
  • 2017
  • In: Historisk Tidsskrift. - : Scandinavian University Press / Universitetsforlaget AS. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944. ; 96:4, s. 389-419
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Reformationen innebar en uppgörelse med den katolska helgonkulten, men i vilken utsträckning kastades helgonskulpturerna ut ur kyrkorna i Norge under reformationstiden? I denna artikel undersöks hur ansvariga kyrkliga företrädare gick till väga i Jämtland under de sista decennierna av 1500-talet och början av 1600-talet, då landskapet var dansk-norskt i kyrkligt hänseende och hörde till Trondheims stift. Det visar sig att de lokala kyrkoherdarna följde olika strategier: vissa lät helgonbilderna vara kvar i samband med att ny, protestantisk kyrkoinredning anskaffades, andra slängde ut dem. Toleransen kan sägas ha varit lägre här än i landskapen öster om Jämtland, som förblev svenska under perioden.
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13.
  • Rattenborg, Rune, 1983- (author)
  • Kristoffer Momrak : Midtøstens Metropoler
  • 2021
  • In: Historisk Tidsskrift. - Bergen : Universitetsforlaget. - 0018-263X .- 1504-2944. ; 100:4, s. 353-356
  • Review (other academic/artistic)
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16.
  • Aberg, Martin (author)
  • Voting by income : Political culture of two swedish municipalities 1860-1930
  • 2012
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska historiska föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 132:2, s. 288-294
  • Review (other academic/artistic)abstract
    • Artikeln belyser Erik Nydahls avhandling I fyrkens tid som tar avstamp i en omdiskuterad, om än relativt väl utforskad, fråga: hur formades svensk politisk kultur i övergången från jordbrukarsamhället till det moderna industrisamhället? Viktiga faktorer i det sammanhanget var att svensk industrialisering i många avseenden ägde rum utanför de framväxande storstadsregionerna, att jordbruksnäringen samtidigt spelade en fortsatt viktig roll under lång tid och att urbaniseringsprocessen internationellt sett var mera utdragen.
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20.
  • Alm, Mikael, 1973- (author)
  • Fyra män och en ko
  • 2022
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 142:3, s. 448-454
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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25.
  • Almbjär, Martin (author)
  • Not a nine-to-five kind of job : The function and influence of the secretary of the peasant estate in the Swedish Riksdag in the Age of Liberty 1720-1772
  • 2020
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : SVENSKA HISTORISKA FORENINGEN. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 140:1, s. 3-30
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Previous research has deemed the secretary of the peasant estate in the Swedish Riksdag of the Age of Liberty an important figure. Yet, historians have not scrutinized the secretaries, their function, or their influence over the peasantry. This article examines the incumbents, their ability to guide the peasant estate and vice versa, and their political and bureaucratic function in the Age of Liberty. The results have bearing on discussions about the peasantry's political influence in the early modern era, on the significance of parties in the Age of Liberty, and on the relationship between bureaucracy and politics within the early modern Diet. The results show that most of the secretaries had ties to the Council of the Realm, with education in and experience of legal and administrative matters. Secretaries were meant to control the peasantry but cannot be exclusively understood as an instrument for oppression or a facilitator of political mobilization; they served both purposes at the same time, although the emphasis varied over time and between issues. The results thus emphasize the complexity of political interaction in early modern Sweden. Additionally, the changing function and role of the secretary was very much caused by party struggle. Parties are, therefore, key in understanding the peasantry's political influence and position in the Age of Liberty. Lastly, the article reveals a rapid bureaucratization of the peasantry's political activities from the 1750s onwards. The chancery expanded manifold and diversified its tasks. This process played an important role in the peasantry's political mobilization towards the end of the period but has previously been largely unacknowledged. Thus, the article's results contribute to a vast, important, but generally understudied research field. Bureaucratization and specialization processes in politics are not only of relevance for the study of the peasantry and the Age of Liberty, but for the study of political history in Sweden and the world at large.
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  • Almbjär, Martin (author)
  • Replik till Thomas Magnusson
  • 2022
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 142:2, s. 231-233
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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29.
  • Almgren, Birgitta (author)
  • DDR-forskning i fokus
  • 2011
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; :3, s. 631-642
  • Journal article (other academic/artistic)
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  • Almgren, Birgitta (author)
  • Svensk-tyska föreningar ­– mål för nazistisk infiltration
  • 2015
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 135:1, s. 63-91
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This article analyzes Swedish–German interactions with focus on Nazi-Germany's methods of infiltrating Swedish–German associations, based on sources in German and Swedish archives. German university teachers in the Deutsche Akademie, and the Deutscher Akademischer Austauchdienst were sent to Sweden as agents by Nazi Germany. Parallel to their work as language teachers they should "secretly conquer the Swedish soul". Because they were obliged to send regular reports from Sweden there is a huge amount of documents in German archives revealing not only Swedish attitudes to Nazism, but also how for example Swedish-German associations became special targets for the infiltration. The analyses reveal differences between the associations: In Göteborg and Uppsala they did not want to cooperate. When John Holmberg, professor of German in Uppsala, criticized the anti-Semitic ideology and rector Curt Weibull in Göteborg defended the university against the Nazi infiltration they were reported to Berlin as dangerous enemies. In Stockholm however speakers as representatives for the Nazi regime were welcomed. One of the invited speakers 1935 was Rudolf Hess who spoke of "The New Germany". After the fall of the Nazi regime there was no self reflection what so ever in the written programs of the Association in Stockholm.One explanation why many in Sweden did not resist the Nazi propaganda was that the Nazis worked under the cloak of traditional German culture and rhetoric. Glorification of the Nordic ideal and traditional values were recommended propaganda tools. The semantic changes of the words were not always observed in Sweden, but documents in German archives show that there were strong critical voices.
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34.
  • Alvarez López, Laura, et al. (author)
  • Synen på det nya landet i brev och notiser från svenska migranter i södra Brasilien kring sekelskiftet 1900
  • 2023
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - Stockholm : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 1, s. 3-34
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The number of Swedish citizens who migrated to Brazil between 1881 and1914 reached between 3,000 and 5,000. Most were labourers or peasants, hopingto find a better life in a new country. Although it did not compare to thesheer size of the migration flows to North America, it still received some attentionin the Swedish press. Newspapers often presented Brazil as an exoticdestination, but there were those who doubted whether it was appropriatefor Swedes to emigrate to Brazil.This article draws on Swedish migrants’ letters and diaries, written andpublished either while the writers were living in Brazil or, sometimes, afterthey had returned to Sweden. The narratives constructed an image of Brazilas a contact zone between cultures, and are best understood as a discourseand social practice in which the individual journeys played out. The textsprovide insights into people’s experiences of the kind we focus on in our analysis:daily life and observations about nature, the environment, and livingconditions as well as other peoples.There are not only extensive sources for how Swedish migrants reportedtheir attempts to ensure the success of their migration projects inthe European settler colonies in southern Brazil, but they are also sufficientlybroad and varied to provide a good overview, while the existenceof several series of letters by the same writers makes it possible to followindividual migration projects. The article explores the contradictions between migrants’ stories, the evolution of individual Swedes’ views onlife in Brazil, and how their known ideas about colonisation, nationalism,racism, and power related to the contact zone between Brazilianand Swedish society and history.By analysing the texts from an interdisciplinary perspective, consideringboth the Swedish and Brazilian contexts, we map Swedes’ migration projectsand contribute to the discussion of settler migration and its social andcultural implications. We find the Swedish migrants’ discourse to have beenheavily impacted by processes at a level that individuals rarely influence. Yetat the same time, their writings reflected the pragmatic realities of life as amigrant. We would argue that most Swedish migrants who wanted to defendtheir decision to emigrate (and perhaps never return) chose to present it inthe best possible light, whereas those who wanted to return and become partof the Swedish community again adapted their descriptions accordingly, offeringa negative picture of life in their new country and often of their ownemigration projects.
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  • Andersson, Fredrik (author)
  • Penningutpressare, järnvägspolitiker och järnvägsbyggare: den regionala intressegruppen kring Ostkustbanan 1897-1904
  • 2006
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; :3, s. 453-470
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • This article analyses the decision-making processes and the mobilisation of actors surrounding the investments in private railways in Sweden by means of a case study of the East Coast Line between Gävle and Härnösand around the year 1900. An effective regional interest group was formed with the aim to construct a coastal railway in Norrland. It consisted of a small, but well-connected and well positioned, group of industrialists, politicians and railway promoters, who would all benefit from the construction of the railway.The limited size and homogenous character of the regional political and economic elite made it easier to form a cohesive interest group. It also enabled the use of personal networks to influence the policy process. Furthermore, the impact of the interest group also depended on institutional factors. Before the electoral reforms beginning in 1906, the Swedish political system gave regional elites considerable political influence, which enabled the merging of political and financial power. In municipalities controlled by industrial interests, municipal resources were channelled into a railway investment that catered mainly for industrial interests. The landsting were another source of public funds for railway projects, and different regional elites fought to have access to their funds. The regional elite also had channels into policy-making on the national level, since their firm grip of local and regional politics allowed them to obtain parliamentary seats. This increased the impact of the interest group, and also helped to shift some of the investment burden from companies and financial investors to the taxpayers.Hence, the process of building a private railway was not only about engineering and economy. It was also about the mobilisation of the regional elite behind the project, in order to be able to perform the political manoeuvres and power brokering necessary for the railway to become a reality.
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  • Arnberg, Klara, 1979-, et al. (author)
  • På hemmafronten intet nytt : Kommersiell kvinnlighet under svensk beredskap, 1939–1945
  • 2021
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 141:3, s. 476-509
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The article studies commercial actors and advertisements in the Swedish weekly press in order to trace how the transformed gender roles during the Second World War were handled and negotiated in the commercial sphere. Two key dimensions of consumer society constitute the objects of study: 1) the weekly press’ and advertising industry’s actions and promotion of the role of female consumers during the war; and 2) how commercial advertisements represented female consumers. The weeklies we study, Svensk damtidning, Hemmets Veckotidning and Vecko-revyn reached national readerships and were directed towards households and especially women. The paper concludes that although women were described as essential to national defenseby keeping up home front morale, the war was largely absent in the advertisements. Instead, the latter tended to remind consumers of peacetime affluence and family-based gender ideals. This meant that while many women’s everyday lives changed dramatically as a consequence of national wartime mobilization, their desires were commercially channeled just as they had been in peacetime: toward looking after their appearance, caring for the household and choosing the right consumer goods.
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50.
  • Arnberg, Klara, 1979-, et al. (author)
  • På hemmafronten intet nytt : Kommersiell kvinnlighet under svensk beredskap, 1939-1945
  • 2021
  • In: Historisk Tidskrift. - : Svenska Historiska Föreningen. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 141:3, s. 476-509
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • I denna artikel studerar vi konstruktionen av kvinnliga konsumenter i andra världskrigets svenska nationella mobilisering. Analysen bygger på en studie av reklam- och veckopressbranschernas aktörer, liksom av annonser i veckopressen. Vi visar hur dessa kommersiella aktörer aktivt riktade sina budskap till olika grup-per av kvinnor, samt hur kvinnor uppmanades att göra sin plikt gentemot nationen genom att upprätthålla vardagen och fortsätta konsumera. Trots stora förändring-ar i människors liv, var till synes intet nytt på den kommersiella hemmafronten.
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