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1.
  • Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • Europe around the corner? How border proximity and quality of government explains European identity
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 25:2, s. 376-395
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Do citizens that live close to the border of another European country feel more European? We suggest that border proximity affects European identity formation, but that the positive effect of border proximity is confined largely to areas where citizens live close to regions with better quality of government and lower levels of corruption. Using our newly collected individual level and post-coded data from the most recent wave of the European Quality of Government survey, covering over 129,000 respondents in all 27 European Union member countries, we show that citizens that live close to the border of another country express a stronger European identity, all things being equal. Yet the effect is driven largely by citizens that live adjacent to regions with relatively higher/lower quality of government compared to their own region. Our study thereby contributes to a closer understanding of where and why citizens become attached to Europe, and if and how benchmarking institutional performance and quality of government affect citizens’ willingness to belong to, and identify with, Europe.
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2.
  • Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al. (författare)
  • Why support International redistribution? Corruption and public support for aid in the eurozone
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 19:2, s. 233-254
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • What factors explain public support for international redistribution? While the European Union has sent billions of taxpayers’ money to over indebted euro countries in an attempt to avoid an economic collapse, these transfers have encountered fierce resistance among both donor and recipient constituents. However, we know surpris- ingly little about why citizens support or oppose redistribution within the EU. This paper suggests that domestic levels of corruption and institutional quality may be one of the most important explanations for the great variation in public support for financial assistance, bailouts and aid. Using recent European Elections Survey data merged with data on regional level quality of government, we show that the effects of institutional quality are consistently stronger than macro-economic factors, including economic development, inequality or levels of public debt. We find strong evidence that citizens in low corrupt contexts are more likely to support financial assistance to fellow member states. The results have implications for future challenges in securing public support for EU economic integration as well as for our understanding of how and why corruption undermines society’s collective action capacity.
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3.
  • Bovens, Luc, et al. (författare)
  • Measuring common standards and equal responsibility-sharing in EU asylum outcome data
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 13:1, s. 70-93
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • We construct novel measures to assess (i) the extent to which European Union member states are using common standards in recognizing asylum seekers and (ii) the extent to which the responsibilities for asylum applications, acceptances and refugee populations are equally shared among the member states, taking into account population size, gross domestic product (GDP) and GDP expressed in purchasing power parity (GDP-PPP). We track the progression of these measures since the implementation of the Treaty of Amsterdam (1999). These measures display divergent trends and we try to provide an interpretation of the dynamics that are constitutive of these trends.
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4.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Does European Integration Lead to a 'Presidentialization' of Executive Politics? : Ministerial Selection in Swedish Postwar Cabinets
  • 2009
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - London : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 10:2, s. 226-252
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article, we address recent claims that executive legislative relations in parliamentary democracies are undergoing important changes owing to either a 'presidentialization' or a 'Europeanization' of domestic political systems. Therefore, we test empirically whether parliamentary democracies are indeed experiencing changes in executive-legislative relations and whether these developments can, in part, be explained by an increase in European integration. Using data on ministerial selection in Swedish cabinets during the years 1952-2006, we find that there appears to be a slight tendency towards 'presidentialization', which is indicated by a decrease in ministers with a parliamentary background being appointed, and that there exists some support for the notion that Sweden's political and economic integration into the European Union is part of the explanation for this change.
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5.
  • Chalmers, Adam William, et al. (författare)
  • Fiscal redistribution and public support for European integration
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; :16:3, s. 386-407
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article contributes to existing debates on public opinion towards European integration by examining when and why fiscal transfers and public support are systematically related. Drawing on economic and identity-related theories, we develop and test hypotheses about the links between EU fiscal transfers among countries and subnational jurisdictions, and citizens’ support for European integration. Using a three-level analysis of residents in 143 regions in 16 EU member states, we find a positive effect of EU transfers among both countries and subnational jurisdictions on support for European integration among those with a European communal identity. We also find that this effect increases the more politically aware individuals are. The article sketches the broader implications of our findings for public opinion research on regional integration beyond the European Union.
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6.
  • Chalmers, Adam William, et al. (författare)
  • Fiscal redistribution and public support for European integration
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 16:3, s. 386-407
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article contributes to existing debates on public opinion toward European integration by examining when and why fiscal transfers and public support are systematically related. Drawing on economic and identity-related theories, we develop and test hypotheses about the links between European Union fiscal transfers among countries and subnational jurisdictions, and citizens' support for European integration. Using a three-level analysis of residents in 143 regions in 16 European Union member states, we find a positive effect of European Union transfers among both countries and subnational jurisdictions on support for European integration among those with a European communal identity. We also find that this effect increases the more politically aware individuals are. The article sketches the broader implications of our findings for public opinion research on regional integration beyond the European Union.
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7.
  • Charron, Nicholas (författare)
  • Explaining the allocation of regional Structural Funds: The conditional effect of governance and self-rule
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 17:4, s. 638-659
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • What regional factors can explain the heterogeneity in Structural Funds distribution to European Union regions? Past studies have shown that aside from the level of economic development and rates of unemployment, other political, and economic factors systematically explain why certain European Union regions receive greater funding than others, in particular where there is room for bargaining. In this article, a novel theory is posited which argues that the determination of Structural Funds is based on an interaction between a region's formal institutions (the level of a regional autonomy) and informal institutions (its level of quality of government). In cases of low regional autonomy, member states and European Union level actors prefer to allocate greater levels of Funds to regions with lower quality of government in order to increase cohesion. Yet in cases of high regional autonomy, risks associated with absorption failure in lower capacity regions lead states to strategically allocate greater levels of transfers to regions with higher quality of government. The theory is tested on data for 171 European Union regions for the 2007-2013 budget period. The results show robust empirical support for the theoretical claims.
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8.
  • Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, et al. (författare)
  • Distributive politics and intergovernmental transfers : The local allocation of European Union structural funds
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 13:3, s. 413-433
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The European Union budget is distributed primarily in the form of intergovernmental grants to sub-state governments, which invest the grants in local projects. Transfers are allocated under the auspices of the European structural funds. This article assesses the causal links between electoral incentives on the recipient side, European funding goals, and local grant allocation. Tobit regressions of the allocation patterns in 419 local districts in Germany for the period 2000–6 suggest the following: although recipient sub-state governments enjoy substantial discretion in selecting projects, their distributive choices are largely in accord with European goals. As theoretically predicted, however, there is robust evidence that sub-state governments’ electoral concerns distort the local allocation of structural funds.
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9.
  • Huhe, N., et al. (författare)
  • Don't cry for me Britannia: The resilience of the European Union to Brexit
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 21:1, s. 152-172
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • We assess the impact of the United Kingdom's 2016 decision to leave the European Union on the Council of the European Union, where Brexit is likely to have the clearest observable implications. Using concepts and models from the spatial model of politics and network analysis, we formulate and test expectations regarding the effects of Brexit. We examine two of the most prominent datasets on recent decision-making in the European Union, which include data on cooperation networks among member states before and after the 2016 referendum. Our findings identify some of the political challenges that Brexit will bring, but also highlight the factors that are already helping the European Union's remaining member states to adapt to Brexit.
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10.
  • Katsaitis, Alexander (författare)
  • Introducing the PFxEU tracker dataset: Tracking political financing in the European Union
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - California : Sage Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • A rich literature examines the links between politics, money and corruption across the globe. Somewhat surprisingly, this topic has not found much attention in European Union studies. This article presents the PFxEU tracker, an open-access dataset that tracks the financial donations received by European Union political parties. It systematically codes (a) each donation received; (b) its amount; (c) the type of donor; and (d) its region of origin. Analysing the dataset, a cleavage can be observed. On one side are parties that have Eurosceptic and nationalist agendas and individual donors. On the opposite side are federalist agendas and international-business donors. Moreover, individuals form the largest donor category, and nearly half of all donations come from Central and Eastern Europe. PFxEU aims to encourage further research into European Union political financing, supports research collaboration devoted to the analysis of corruption and European Union politics and makes basic political information part of the public domain.EPUBformat_size
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11.
  • Kumlin, Staffan (författare)
  • Claiming blame and giving credit? : Unintended effects of how government and opposition frame the Europeanization of welfare
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 12:4, s. 575-595
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • A framing experiment on the Europeanization of health care supports two assumptions derived from the ‘blame avoidance’ literature. The constrained perceptions assumption states that performance evaluations at different political levels have ‘zero-sum’ implications for each other. Empirically, those receiving positive integration frames become not only more positive about the European Union (EU) level, but also more negative about domestic performance (even though frames about such a performance were not provided). The opposite is found for negative frames. Further, the negative bias assumption implies that zero-sum adjustments are best triggered by negative blame frames rather than by positive ‘credit’ frames. Finally, in contrast to standard blame avoidance assumptions, the experiment mimics the realistic situation in which the opposition attacks integration and the government defends it. This reverses the prototypical blame avoidance situation and opens the way for unintended effects. Governments may paint EU-induced conditions in rosy colours, reflecting negatively on its domestic performance. Conversely, the opposition runs the risk of being too gloomy about integration for its own good, as negative EU welfare frames reflect positively on domestic performance.
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12.
  • Lehmann, Felix, 1997 (författare)
  • Talking about Europe? Explaining the salience of the European Union in the plenaries of 17 national parliaments during 2006–2019
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 24:2
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • To provide accountability, Members of Parliament (MPs) are expected to publicly communicate European Union (EU) affairs. Yet, parliamentary communication of EU affairs remains underexplored and existing analyses are conflicting. Against this background, this article sheds light on what drives MPs to talk about the EU, utilizing a novel dataset based on over 20,000 plenary protocols from 17 parliaments during 2006–2019. The study highlights that EU mentions increase in connection to referendums, summits, treaty ratifications, and European elections. Additional drivers include transfers of authority to the EU level, EU legislation, and political incentives. The findings provide some nuance to more pessimistic evaluations of the EU's accountability deficit, but major legitimacy challenges remain concerning national elections and Eurozone integration.
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13.
  • Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • The structure of conflict over EU chemicals policy
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - London : Sage Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 9:1, s. 31-58
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • There is a lively academic debate over whether political cleavages in the European Union ( EU) follow mainly territorial ( national) or non-territorial ( ideological) patterns. This article analyses the cleavages that structure the conflict over European chemicals policy, the so-called REACH system. Taking positions on this major policy as an empirical example, we test these competing theories on the nature of cleavages on environmental policy issues in the EU. We use data from an expert survey of more than 600 individuals to fulfil this aim. The results show that neither of the hypotheses is unequivocally supported. But the data indicate that cleavages based on non-territorial interests are much more important than territorial interests in explaining positions on REACH.
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14.
  • Lundgren, Magnus, et al. (författare)
  • Bargaining success in the reform of the Eurozone
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 20:1, s. 65-88
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article provides a systematic assessment of bargaining success in the reform of the Eurozone 2010 to 2015. Theoretically, we develop an argument about preferences and institutions as determinants of bargaining success and contrast this argument with an alternative account privileging states’ power resources. Empirically, we conduct a statistical analysis of new data covering all key reform proposals. Our findings are three-fold. First, contrary to a conventional narrative of German dominance, the negotiations produced no clear winners and losers. Second, while power resources were of limited importance, holding preferences that were centrist or close to the European Commission favored bargaining success—particularly when adoption only required the support of a qualified majority. Third, these descriptive and explanatory results reflect dynamics of compromise and reciprocity.
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15.
  • Lundgren, Magnus (författare)
  • Taking center stage : Decoding status hierarchies from group photos of European leaders
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 19:4, s. 549-569
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • I investigate whether group photos of international leaders can provide useful data on interstate status perceptions. I formulate a spatial model of social hierarchy and evaluate it against newly gathered data on the placement of leaders in 121 European Council group photos between 1975 and 2015. I find support for determinants of placement at the international, institutional, and individual levels. The results suggest that: (a) group photos provide a previously untapped source of data on international status; (b) data derived from group photos can supplement existing status proxies based on material capabilities or diplomatic connectivity; (c) group pictures can be particularly useful for discerning status hierarchies among sets of relatively homogenous countries, such as those of the European Union.
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16.
  • Persson, Thomas, 1969-, et al. (författare)
  • How trust in EU institutions is linked to trust in national institutions : Explaining confidence in EU governance among national-level public officials
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 20:4, s. 629-648
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article analyzes the link between trust in national institutions and trust in European Union-level institutions among national public officials. Previous research has mainly looked at citizens; in contrast, little is known about the views national officials actually hold towards European Union-level institutions or how much confidence they place in them. Our study draws on a unique survey of 670 officials in 17 European Union member states who are involved in civil protection, a policy area which has recently emerged as one of the most important in the Union. Three mechanisms are explored: a ‘transference’ mechanism; a ‘trust syndrome’ mechanism and a ‘rational evaluation’ mechanism. Our findings confirm the existence of all three mechanisms and show that if European Union institutions are to be trusted to manage European Union-wide crises, then national institutions must be trusted too. This has far-reaching implications for the prospects of enhanced cooperation among civil-protection institutions in the European Union.
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17.
  • Pircher, Brigitte, 1983-, et al. (författare)
  • Oppositional voting in the Council of the EU between 2010 and 2019 : Evidence for differentiated politicisation
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : Sage Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 22:3, s. 472-494
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article presents a new and previously unchartered dataset on roll call votes for all 28 member states in the Council of the EU between 2010 and 2019 and studies the effects of politicisation on governments' oppositional voting in the different policy areas. We contribute to the literature with two main findings. First, our study provides strong evidence for bottom-up politicisation, where Euroscepticism and the left-right positions of national political parties strongly affect governments' voting in the Council. Second, we provide new evidence for a form of differentiated politicisation where ideological standpoints of political parties in government and opposition have different effects on oppositional voting in the various policy areas.
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18.
  • Rovny, Jan, 1978 (författare)
  • Who emphasizes and who blurs? Party strategies in multidimensional competition
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 13:2, s. 269-292
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Most studies of party competition consider the presentation of ambiguous positions a costly strategy. This literature, however, does not study party strategies in multiple issue dimensions. Yet multidimensionality may play an important role in parties' strategic calculus. Although it may be rational for a party to emphasize a certain issue dimension, it may be equally rational to disguise its stance on other dimensions by blurring its position. This article argues that parties employ strategies of issue emphasis and position blurring in various dimensional contexts. Who emphasizes and who blurs thus depends on the actors' relative stakes in different issue dimensions. The paper makes its case by performing cross-sectional analyses of 132 political parties in 14 West European party systems using Comparative Manifesto Project data, the 2006 Chapel Hill expert survey and the 2009 European Election Study.
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19.
  • Shyrokykh, Karina, et al. (författare)
  • Managing networks : Cohesion and fluidity in EU climate cooperation with European neighbours
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 24:3, s. 539-558
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The European Union (EU) is increasingly relying on regional policy networks to govern climate change outside its borders, both in the areas of climate change adaptation and mitigation. Although the functioning of such policy networks has consequences for climate policy in participating countries, little is known about the role of such networks. This article focuses on the example of climate cooperation with the European Neighbourhood Policy region, conceptualizing the EU as a network manager. Using a novel dataset on climate networks in the European Neighbourhood Policy region for the period 2013–2017, we show that the EU uses climate networks for multiple purposes. The results suggest that the EU uses climate networks not only to mitigate the risks associated with climate change, but also to manage varying contexts in the region.
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20.
  • Târlea, Silvana, et al. (författare)
  • Explaining governmental preferences on Economic and Monetary Union Reform
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 20:1, s. 24-44
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments’ preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries’ financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impact. These findings help to enhance our understanding of preference formation in the European Union and the viability of future EMU reform.
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21.
  • Tzelgov, Eitan, 1977 (författare)
  • Cross-cutting issues, intraparty dissent and party strategy: The issue of European integration in the House of Commons
  • 2014
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 15:1, s. 3-23
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • When do legislative opposition parties use wedge issues to attack the government? In this article, I focus on the issue of European integration and its impact on party strategy in the 1992-1997 British House of Commons. Utilizing both voting and rhetorical data, the analysis reveals that both government and opposition were split on the issue, and thus the opposition was not able to use it. This, I argue, stems from the complexity of the issue, i.e. the fact that it combines redistributive cleavages with pre- and post-material ones, which cannot be suppressed by party leaders. The results demonstrate the importance of taking into consideration both the government's and the opposition's cohesion in modeling party strategies. Further, the combination of voting and rhetorical data adds to our understanding of the dimensionality and structure of partisan ideologies in Europe.We have won more elections than any party in Britain because we are the most united and the most determined party in Britain. Over the same period Labour has been the most divided and the most undisciplined party. That is why they have lost, and lost, and lost, and lost again. Sir Norman Fowler, Conservative Party Chairman, 1992 Party Conference. © The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav.
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22.
  • Vikberg, Carl (författare)
  • Explaining interest group access to the European Commission's expert groups
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 21:2, s. 312-332
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Conventional wisdom holds that interest group access to the European Commission is biased in favor of specific interests and against diffuse interests. Yet, patterns of access vary between policy areas. In this article, I map and explain the relative access of specific and diffuse interests to the European Commission's expert groups. I find that specific interests gain more access in general, but there are considerable variations across issues. I argue that variations in access across expert groups are explained by the relative ability of specific and diffuse interests to contest policies in different policy areas. This argument gains support by statistical analyses using a novel dataset comprising all expert groups with interest group participants. The findings suggest that a political logic helps explain variations in specific and diffuse interest access to the Commission.
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23.
  • Xezonakis, Georgios, 1975, et al. (författare)
  • Economic downturns and the Greek referendum of 2015: Evidence using night-time light data
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 21:3
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • © The Author(s) 2020. Much like Brexit, the Greek bailout referendum of 2015 could have been a watershed event that significantly affected the European Economic and Monetary Union and possibly the European Union as a whole. While the referendum did not live up to the hype, the fact remains that the Greek people decided to risk ‘exit’ and reject their international creditors’ bailout terms. In this article, we explore how the cycle of sovereign debt crisis, the externally imposed austerity and the resulting recession affected the outcome of that referendum. We further provide a limited test for the ‘left-behind’ hypothesis, which has been a prominent explanation for recent ‘unexpected’ or ‘surprising’ choices that have been made at the polls. Using municipality data and novel data sources, such as night-time light transmission, we provide aggregate-level support for our expectations.
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24.
  • Hooghe, Liesbet, et al. (författare)
  • The Russian threat and the consolidation of the West: How populism and EU-skepticism shape party support for Ukraine
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - 1465-1165.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Support for Ukraine against Russian aggression has been strong across Europe, but it is far from uniform. An expert survey of the positions taken by political parties in 29 countries conducted mid-2023 reveals that 97 of 269 parties reject one or more of the following: providing weapons, hosting refugees, supporting Ukraine's path to European Union membership, or accepting higher energy costs. Where the perceived threat from Russia is most severe, we find the greatest levels of support for Ukraine. However, ideology appears to be far more influential. The level of a party's populist rhetoric and its European Union skepticism explain the bulk of variation in support for Ukraine despite our finding that many strongly populist and European Union-skeptical parties take moderate pro-Ukraine positions when in government.
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25.
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26.
  • Lindahl, Rutger, 1944, et al. (författare)
  • Out in the cold? Flexible integration and the political status of Euro opt-outs
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: European Union Politics. - 1465-1165. ; Vol 11:Nr 4, s. 485-510
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • A common argument against flexible integration as a solution to increased preference heterogeneity is that a likely consequence for those member states opting out of the enhanced cooperation is a loss of status and influence generally in the European Union (EU). It has been argued, for example, that the decisions by Denmark, Sweden and the UK not to join the Euro is considered to be free-riding, which leads to a bad reputation and exclusion from informal networks. We test this proposed free-rider effect by comparing the network capital of Euro-outsiders with insiders in the Council of the EU, using survey data of more than 600 member state representatives. The findings speak strongly against the free-rider hypothesis, as the Euro-outsiders are highly ranked in terms of network capital.
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27.
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