| 1. |
- Andersson, Lars M., et al.
(författare)
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Sverigedemokraternas valfilm förvanskar historien
- 2018
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Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter, 7 augusti 2018. - 1101-2447.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Ingress: Den koppling som görs mellan socialdemokratisk och nazitysk politik i filmen ”Ett folk, ett parti” saknar vetenskaplig grund, skriver åtta svenska forskare.
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| 2. |
- Bergman, Johan, 1973-
(författare)
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Kulturfolk eller folkkultur? : 1968, kulturarbetarna och demokratin
- 2010
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Cultural folk or folk culture? 1968, cultural workers and democracy. In the early 1960’s it became clear that although Swedish citizens had experienced an overall increase in material well-being and political democracy, there were still severe shortages in terms of cultural democracy. The radicalisation of the 1960’s meant that students and leftist artists were to play an important part in attempts to rectify this — both as idea-bearers and policy-makers. Using the debates of cultural democracy as a starting point, this thesis focuses on how leftist radical “cultural workers” aimed at democratising culture during the 1960’s and the 1970’s. Demands were raised for a fundamental shift in focus from the context of cultural production (and, accordingly, the producers) to cultural consumption and the consumers. The study follows a cultural democratic tendency that expanded from established theatre institutions during the 1960’s over to the radical so-called “free” theatre groups, the progressive music movement and the textile collectives of the 1970’s. By comparing three organisations within the fields of theatre, music and textile respectively, both general and specific conditions and dilemmas that characterised these branches are analysed. The democratisation of culture during the 1970’s led to processes of professionalisation and politicisation. In these developments, authoritative criteria for what constituted “true” art were called upon. These measures can be understood both as a consequence of the actors’ ambition to reduce competition that resulted from producing culture on a market, but also as a way of gaining cultural status. Despite various revolutions within different cultural areas the agents agreed on one thing; the absolute right of an autonomous cultural field to exist. This meant that the battle of defining “true art” was about something real and precisely therefore a battle worth fighting.
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| 3. |
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| 5. |
- Byström, Mikael, 1963-
(författare)
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En broder, gäst och parasit : Uppfattningar och föreställningar om utlänningar, flyktingar och flyktingpolitik i svensk offentlig debatt 1942-1947
- 2006
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Earlier studies have proposed that Swedish refugee policy started to change around 1942, when a restrictive refugee policy became more generous and humanitarian. From a quantitative point of view this statement is true: there were about ten thousand refugees in 1941, compared to almost two hundred thousand by the end of the war. However, this does not tell us whether the well-known discourses of Swedish inter-war anti-Semitism, nationalism and xenophobia underwent the same changes. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the public debate concerning foreigners, refugees and refugee policy in 1942–1947.The dissertation puts forward the hypothesis of The Nordic prerogative. In brief, this prerogative meant that Sweden primarily held itself obliged to accept ethnical Northeners as refugees, and looked upon this obligation as more important than other considerations, such as the refugee’s ideological views, need of protection or humanitarian needs. Symptomatically, the groups which could not be entirely encompassed within the idea of a Nordic prerogative, particularly the Balts and the Danish Jews, were perceived as the most problematical refugee groups, both on a general level of the debates, and in specific issues.The idea of a Nordic prerogative did not derive from a sense of ethnical fraternity and humanitarian considerations alone, however. Several undertakings were also brought about by pragmatic considerations. Sweden sought goodwill, and reception of refugees was seen as one way of winning it.The dissertation also shows that the idea of a Nordic prerogative seems to become less important when the refugee comes closer to the everyday life of Sweden, where the Nordic refugees too were referred to as ”foreigners”, ”aliens” etc. As such, they had to put up with being spoken of in negatively loaded expressions, in the same way as other foreigners.
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Eriksson, Lena
(författare)
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Arbete till varje pris : Arbetslinjen i 1920-talets arbetslöshetspolitik
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- When Sweden was hit by the massunemployment of the 1920s the preferred way of distributing the help to the unemployed was to engage them in publicly financed and run relief works. This dissertation investigates why the work approach made such a strong imprint on the Swedish unemployment policy. It also analyses why the work approach, viewed as a social political measure, to understand how it structured national, local and individual conditions. In previous research there has been a tendancy to treat the work approach as the only natural way to handle unemployment. A comparison with the British case has shown that there clearly existed other ways of dealing with the problem of unemployment, and hence that the work approach should be viewed as a deliberate chiose. The study has also shown that existing institutional arrangements do not in any binding way stake out the course for future policies, and that the conditions for adopting the work approach was not any more favourable in Sweden than in Britain. The explanation suggested here is that the unemployed was looked upon with greater mistrust in Sweden than in Britain. The study shows that the work approach was designed to enforce norms and values connected to work ethics, self-support and gender. To enforce the norm of self-support it both discouraged people from seeking help, with low wges and strict conditions, and by putting them to work if they did. To enforce the norm of the male breadwinner the relief jobs were reserved mainly for male breadwinners, and women were excluded from the eligibility to appaly for unemployment support. In spite of the National Unemployment Commission's rather stron hold over the work approach, much of the implementation was left to the local authorities. This rendered them a certain amount of freedom of action, which put them in a difficult position. The local authorities had to balance long term economic goals and short term immediate needs, they had to carefully weigh the interests of different preassure groups against national, local and individual interests. Despite the powers of the Commission it was very much up to each local council to decide what the experiences of the unemployed would be. People were, by the unemployment authorities, assigned to three main categories: unemployed deemed undeserving, those on cash support and the relief workers. Creating different categories meant that the unemployed were split up, and made it very difficult to organise the unemployed to a powerful opponent to the authorities. The dissertation has shown that the social dimension is important in addition to the economical and political if you want to understand the choice and effekts of the work approach. It has also shown that it was a choice made in spite of prevailing conditions. Finally it suggests that the creation of the work approach was the really ground breaking move in the unemployment policies of the inter.war period, and that the "new" policy of the 1930s, with relief salaries paid according to negotiated rates, was rather a minor revision of the existing polcy. The main reason for the relief works in 1930s, as well as in teh 1920s, was to test the willingness to work. the aim of the work approach was to get the unemployed to take a job at any cost, and the primary method to achieve thi goal was to put the unemployed to work - at any cost.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Langkjaer, Jenny, 1978-
(författare)
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Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens.The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century.The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.
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| 10. |
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| 11. |
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Makt och moral : en vänbok till och med Klas Åmark
- 1998
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Klas Åmark brukar säga att någon festskrift till sin 50- eller 60-årsdag "Det vill jag absolut inte ha".Så sade han ända tills att vi gav honom ett anbud som han inte kunde säga nej till. Det är ju självklare inget kul att fä en bok där bara andra skriver, så. vårt erbjudande var att han skulle fä skriva själv. Om dec nn var detta som låg bakom omsvängningen eller att den planerade boken skulle handla om make - ett ämne som Klas ofta har diskuterat - det vet vi inte. Därför kunde vi på hans 50 årsdag den 20 maj 1994 presentera en preliminär innehållsförteckning till den kommande boken.När vi inbjöd några av Klas forskarkollegor samt nuvarande och tidigare elever inom forskningsfältet historisk a rbetslivsforskning att delta i projektet framhöll vi att uppgiften var att a nalysera makt. Klas har sedan fätt tillfälle att reflektera över dessa texter. Han kommer till tals i bokens avslutande kapitel. Flera av författarna förhåller sig till Klas' syn på makt. Några är kritiska, andra försöker bygga vidare på hans sätt att se på makt.Den ryske licceraturvetaren Mikhail Bachtin, som bland annat skrev om Rabelais och skrattets historia, menade att varje diskurs besdlr av en mångfald röster som tillsammans bildar en polyfon kör. I denna bok framträder olika forskare med sina röster. Den kör som presenteras här är inte unison. Den ständ igt pågående diskussionen medför att den historiska diskursen om maktbegreppet är föränderlig.
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
- Scherp, Joakim, 1968-
(författare)
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De ofrälse och makten : En institutionell studie av riksdagen och de ofrälse ståndens politik i maktdelningsfrågor 1660-1682
- 2013
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In this thesis the constitutional policies of the three Commoner Estates (Priests, Burghers and Peasants) of the Swedish Riksdag between the years 1660 and 1682 is examined. While many previous historians have focused on the power-struggle between the Crown and the nobility, the Commoner Estates have been presumed to be staunch supporters of absolutism. I argue that the picture is far more complex. Case-studies of a number of political negotiations that concerned the distribution of political power show that the Commoners were flexible in their constitutional policies. When they sensed they were in a strong position, they were explicit in their demand for a say in political decisions. But when they were weak, they were deferential to the government. If there is one constant in their policies it is not blind reverence to royalties: the thesis show that they could sacrifice the interests of powerless members of the royal family in favour of security and defence of Protestant faith. In comparison, the Commoners were more eager to protect the rights of their own Estates and of the Riksdag as a whole. One important feature of Commoner politics was the willingness of Priests, Burghers and Peasants to co-operate, which sometimes made them quite influential. In the thesis the relations between the Estates are examined. I also have endeavoured to examine the political institutions, the rules that governed politics in the Riksdag during the period. It is observed that the institutional structures were quite complex and unclear, which gav an advantage to well-oriented Estates like the Priests and the Nobility in comparison with the Peasants. The Priests also was the best organized Estate of the Commoners. Other factors that favoured the clergy was that they were led by politically experienced bishops; that they had common privileges that all priests were interested in defending; and that they were strengthened and united by their religious ideology.
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| 18. |
- Wikberg, Karin, 1942-
(författare)
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Amatör eller professionist? : Studier rörande amatörfrågan i svensk tävlingsidrott 1903-1967
- 2005
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis studies the amateurism question within Swedish competitive sport from the perspective of the Swedish Sports Confederation (RF). As a background, a study is included about both the early development of Anglo-Saxon amateur sport, as well as the initial phase of the Swedish sports movement (ca.1870–1900), and the role the amateurism question played during this period. The actual research period is 1903–1967, i.e., the years when the RF, as the driving force in the issue, acknowledged amateur sport though its regulations. The main task has been to establish the position of the amateurism question between amateurism and professionalism.The research has involved examining three main perspectives for the amateurism question, which are discussed in the introductory chapter: large scope and significance, complexity, and uniqueness. The research has convincingly substantiated all three characteristics. The “amateur inquest” of the 1940s, a very far-reaching and complicated debate without parallel elsewhere, either within or outside the sporting world, constitutes the best piece of evidence.The four main questions, which also determine the disposition of the chapters, are: 1) What did the amateurism of sport entail? What reasons were behind this and how were the rules and regulations developed? 2) What important disputes (legal cases, practices) occurred with amateurism as the cause and what consequences did they have? 3) How did the different opinions view amateurism? What arguments were presented for and against? 4) In what way did the amateurism question reflect the sports movement’s autonomy, ideology and positioning within the dividing line between power aspirations and ideal/moral? Here, attention is given to the concepts of ‘parallel system’ and ‘hybrid system’. The complexity of the amateurism of sport has been illustrated using four aspects. They are to be seen as an attempt to categorise the values and the practice that together underpinned amateurism: 1) the moral aspect (ethics/moral); 2) the social aspect (class/occupation); 3) the economic aspect (income/compensation for expenses); and 4) the peripheral aspect (ethnicity/traditionalism). Through these aspects, the content and the changes of focus in the amateurism question have been highlighted.
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| 19. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Arbetarrörelsen på gator och torg
- 2011
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Ingår i: Offentliga rum. - Stockholm : Balkong. - 9789185581559 ; , s. 179-185
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Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
- Åmark, Klas
(författare)
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Behöver humanister stora projekt?
- 2007
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Ingår i: Historia : vänbok till Christer Winberg 5 juni 2007.
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 23. |
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| 24. |
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| 25. |
- Åmark, Klas
(författare)
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Den redigerade källan
- 2008
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Ingår i: Arbetarhistoria. ; 1:125, s. 28-30
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- en kommentar till Göran Perssons memoarer och hans intervjubok med Erik Fichtelius.
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| 26. |
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| 27. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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En svensk historiekanon?.
- 2007
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Ingår i: Historielärarnas förenigns årsskrift. - 0439-2434.
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 28. |
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| 29. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Förövarna bestämmer villkoren : Raoul Wallenberg och de internatioenlla hjälpaktionerna i Budapest
- 2016
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- När Nazityskland ockuperade Ungern 1944 sändes folk till Budapest för att bygga upp hjälpaktioner, som Raoul Wallenberg och Röda korsets Friedrich Born. Andra fanns redan på plats. Schweizaren Carl Lutz, svensken Valdemar Langlet och den påvlige nuntien Angelo Rotta grep tillfället i flykten och gjorde vad de kunde, ibland med fara för eget liv. De genomförde den största samlade hjälpaktionen för judarna under Förintelsen. En av dem, Raoul Wallenberg, blev snabbt världsberömd, de andra glömdes mer eller mindre bort. Först långt senare fick de berättigad uppmärksamhet. Åmark använder ny forskning och numera tillgängligt källmaterial för att beskriva hjälparbetet. Om Wallenberg har det skrivits mycket, men det finns ingen aktuell skildring av de olika hjälpaktionerna, vad de hade gemensamt och vad som skilde dem åt.
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| 30. |
- Åmark, Klas
(författare)
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Hundra år av välfärdspolitik : Välfärdsstatens framväxt i Norge och SVerige
- 2005
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Den välfärdsstat som byggdes upp i Sverige och Norge saknade motsvarighet utanför Norden. Socialförsäkringarna utgjorde en central del av denna välfärdsstat och de norska och särskilt de svenska reformerna har väckt stor internationell uppmärksamhet.. I Hundra år av välfärdspolitik följs historien om hur det gick till när systemen byggdes upp från de första lagstiftningsförsöken 1880 tills systemen var fullt utbyggda omkring 1980. Här genomförs en bred, jämförande analys och en aktiv dialog mellan historia och samhällsvetenskap som saknar motstycke i tidigare forskning. Efterkrigstidens politiska strider i Sverige både mellan de politiska blocken och inom arbetarrörelsen om de grundläggande sociala rättigheterna jämförs med den norska konsensuspolitiken och med samverkan i socialförsäkringsfrågorna i Norge mellan de politiska blocken. Författaren visar hur det för de politiska aktörerna ofta blev viktigare att välja de lösningar som var möjliga än att genomföra det de helst ville – politik blev att välja, inte att vilja. Analyserna av den dynamiska maktutövningen med kompromisser, förhandlingar, eftergifter blir en nyckel till förståelsen av varför socialförsäkringarna kom att se ut som de gjorde.
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| 31. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Kan man förhandla med gangsters?
- 2014
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Ingår i: Respons : recensionstidskrift för humaniora & samhällsvetenskap. - 2001-2292. ; :2
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 32. |
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| 33. |
- Åmark, Klas
(författare)
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Politisk maktkamp i Hofors
- 2008
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Ingår i: Arbetarhistoria. - 0281-7446. ; 2:126, s. 41-43
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Recension (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 34. |
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| 36. |
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| 37. |
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| 39. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Sweden : Negotiated neutrality
- 2015
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Ingår i: The Cambridge History of The Second World War. - Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. - 9781139524377 ; , s. 350-374
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- When the Second World War started on 1 September 1939, neutrality was the obvious choice for Sweden. Sweden had not been to war since 1814. During the First World War, Sweden was neutral. Historical experience made no other choice than neutrality possible. It was not only the choice of the government, but also the choice of the Swedish electorate. Sweden’s government was a coalition comprised of the Social Democratic Party and the smaller Farmers’ Party. The Chairperson of the Social Democrats, Per Albin Hansson, was Prime Minister. Hansson reassured the public that Sweden could defend itself if attacked, but in fact, Sweden was not ready for war. Many conscripts lacked basic military training and the army was not ready for winter operations. The government realized that it could not rely on the armed forces to enforce Sweden’s neutrality; instead, it had to negotiate the terms of its neutrality with the belligerents. For example, Stockholm had to convince the representatives of the warring great powers to accept that Sweden would continue to trade with both sides. For a vulnerable neutral such as Sweden, negotiating trade and other issues with the great powers, especially when Germany was the ascendant military power, was always a risky business, fraught with unpleasant choices and compromises.
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| 40. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Sweden and the refugees, 1933-1945
- 2013
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Ingår i: Reaching a state of hope. - Lund : Nordic Academic Press. - 9789187351235 ; , s. 39-53
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 41. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Sweden and the refugees, 1933 - 45
- 2014
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Ingår i: Reaching a state of hope. - Lund : Nordic Academic Press. - 9789187351587 ; , s. 54-66
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 42. |
- Åmark, Klas, 1944-
(författare)
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Teoriernas intåg i svensk historieforskning
- 2012
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Ingår i: Historieskrivningen i Sverige. - Lund : Studentlitteratur AB. - 9789144070438
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Beskriver historieskrivningens, motivering, teori och metod från slutet av medeltiden till slutet av 1700-talet.
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