| 1. |
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| 2. |
- Zelli, Fariborz, et al.
(författare)
-
Analytical Framework: Assessing Coherence, Management, Legitimacy and Effectiveness in an Institutional Nexus
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Governing the Climate-Energy Nexus : Challenges to Coherence, Legitimacy and Effectiveness - Challenges to Coherence, Legitimacy and Effectiveness. - 9781108676397 ; , s. 21-42
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter establishes four evaluative themes that will be employed across this volume to analyze the institutional complexity of policy fields in the climate-energy nexus: coherence, management, legitimacy, and effectiveness. Coherence among institutions is conceptualized along four dimensions: convergence on an overarching core norm for the policy field, balanced coverage and distribution of memberships (private, public, hybrid), balanced coverage and distribution of governance functions (standards and commitments, operational activities, information and networking, financing), and mechanisms underlying cross-institutional relations (cognitive, normative, behavioural). Management will be examined according to types of managing agents, political levels (from domestic to global), and the consequences of management efforts in enhancing coherence. Legitimacy will be assessed along nine dimensions, among them expertise, transparency, accountability, or procedural and distributive fairness. Effectiveness, finally, will be examined in terms of normative and legal output produced by the institutions, their behaviour-changing outcome, and their ultimate problem-solving impact. Altogether, the four themes and their dimensions make up a novel framework for an in-depth analysis of a governance nexus. They help us examine a variety of important questions in a comparative research design, combining a high level of ambition with feasibility and novelty.
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| 3. |
- Zelli, Fariborz, et al.
(författare)
-
Conclusions: Coherence, Management, Legitimacy and Effectiveness in the Climate-Energy Nexus
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Governing the Climate-Energy Nexus : Challenges to Coherence, Legitimacy and Effectiveness - Challenges to Coherence, Legitimacy and Effectiveness. - 9781108676397 ; , s. 235-261
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The concluding chapter first summarizes some of the volume’s main results along the four evaluative themes. In terms of coherence and management, the three policy fields under scrutiny – renewable energy, fossil fuel subsidy reform and carbon pricing – are roughly marked by coordination, rather than competition or outright harmony. Regarding legitimacy, the specializations and work backgrounds of stakeholders lead to considerable variations in their perceptions of institutions. For effectiveness, institutional complexity plays both a supportive and a hindering role across all three cases. Following the summary, a series of policy recommendations are developed, including: improving awareness of each other’s activities to avoid duplication of efforts and conflicting messages; aligning interpretations of central concepts, i.e. what constitutes renewable sources of energy, fossil fuel subsidies and carbon pricing; building stronger connections to counterparts in other areas of the climate-energy nexus and beyond; and entrusting one institution with an orchestrator role. Finally, the chapter suggests a future research agenda on the governance of the climate-energy nexus, e.g. to learn more about the causes of institutional complexity, to identify conditions for successful management efforts, and to examine further sub-fields and even other domains outside the climate-energy nexus.
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| 4. |
- Zelli, Fariborz, et al.
(författare)
-
Introduction: The Governance of the Climate-Energy Nexus
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Governing the Climate-Energy Nexus : Challenges to Coherence, Legitimacy and Effectiveness - Challenges to Coherence, Legitimacy and Effectiveness. - 9781108676397 ; , s. 1-18
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The introduction first explains the rationale and theoretical and empirical contributions of the edited volume. The book seeks to address a considerable gap of knowledge of the nature of the relationship between institutions governing the climate-energy nexus in a multilevel context. In particular, there is scant research on consequences on the legitimacy and effectiveness of governance arrangements and the climate-energy nexus as a whole. For an in-depth analysis of institutional complexity in the nexus, we selected three policy fields as case studies: renewable energy, fossil fuel subsidy reform, and carbon pricing. We made this choice since the three cases represent urgent and major components of the climate-energy nexus, since they vary considerably in the number and mix of institutions that govern them at the international level, and since they differ in their positioning within the climate-energy nexus – with carbon pricing primarily a climate change issue, renewable energy lying at the core of energy governance, and fossil fuel subsidy reform falling in between. The chapter concludes with an outline of the ccontributions to the book, structured along the volume’s three parts on mapping (I) coherence and management (II), and legitimacy and effectiveness (III).
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| 5. |
- Andersson, Rickard, et al.
(författare)
-
The green state and the prospects of greening sovereignty
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Rethinking the Green State : Environmental governance towards climate and sustainability transitions - Environmental governance towards climate and sustainability transitions. - 9781138792517 - 9781315761978 ; , s. 63-79
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Bexell, Magdalena, et al.
(författare)
-
Audiences of De(Legitimation) in Global Governance
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Legitimacy in Global Governance. : Sources, Processes, and Consequences - Sources, Processes, and Consequences. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780198826873 ; , s. 119-133
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter identifies types of audiences at which legitimation and delegitimation practices are directed in global governance. The concept of “audience” steers attention to processes of communication between those who seek to shape legitimacy perceptions and those whose perceptions would be shaped. (De)legitimation practices may have different implications for different audiences, and the chapter suggests that audiences play an active part in the performance of (de)legitimation in global governance. Two distinctions are introduced for classifying relationships between global governance institutions and the multitude of actors that may hold legitimacy beliefs about them, namely between constituencies and observers and between targeted and self-appointed audiences. Such categories can be used for the purpose of studying patterns and variation in legitimacy beliefs across actors.
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| 8. |
- Bexell, Magdalena, et al.
(författare)
-
(De)Legitimation and the Composition of Audiences. Comparing Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Global Governance Institutions
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Legitimation and Delegitimation in Global Governance. Practices, Justifications, and Audiences. - : Oxford University PressOxford. - 9780192856111 - 9780191946417 ; , s. 215-215
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter explores how and why the composition of audiences of (de)legitimation varies across two key types of global governance institutions (GGIs), namely intergovernmental and nongovernmental institutions. It does so through a comparative study of the United Nations Framework Conventions for Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC), holding the policy field of sustainable development constant. Theoretical expectations on variation across these two types of GGIs relate to institutional set-up, democratic normative structures, and politicization. Factors related to institutional set-up and governance mandates as expected contribute significantly to explaining the composition of audiences of both GGIs, albeit in different ways. Explanations related to global and domestic democratic normative structures have become more central over time for the composition of audiences of the UNFCCC compared to the FSC. Politicization stands out as an important factor for explaining the activation of self-appointed audiences in the case of the UNFCCC. Yet, politicization does not appear to be decisive for who was targeted by the UNFCCC. In comparison, politicization is an important explanation for who is targeted by the FSC, as manifested in its attempts at countering critique.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Biermann, F., et al.
(författare)
-
Navigating the Anthropocene: Improving Earth System Governance
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Science. - : American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). - 1095-9203 .- 0036-8075. ; 335:6074, s. 1306-1307
-
Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The United Nations conference in Rio de Janeiro in June is an important opportunity to improve the institutional framework for sustainable development.
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| 11. |
- Biermann, Frank, et al.
(författare)
-
Transforming governance and institutions for global sustainability : key insights from the Earth System Governance Project
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability. - : Elsevier BV. - 1877-3435 .- 1877-3443. ; 4:1, s. 51-60
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The current institutional framework for sustainable development is by far not strong enough to bring about the swift transformative progress that is needed. This article contends that incrementalism-the main approach since the 1972 Stockholm Conference-will not suffice to bring about societal change at the level and speed needed to mitigate and adapt to earth system transformation. Instead, the article argues that transformative structural change in global governance is needed, and that the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro must turn into a major stepping stone for a much stronger institutional framework for sustainable development. The article details core areas where urgent action is required. The article is based on an extensive social science assessment conducted by 32 members of the lead faculty, scientific steering committee, and other affiliates of the Earth System Governance Project. This Project is a ten-year research initiative under the auspices of the International Human Dimensions Programme on Global Environmental Change (IHDP), which is sponsored by the International Council for Science (ICSU), the International Social Science Council (ISSC), and the United Nations University (UNU).
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| 12. |
- Bonde, Ingrid, et al.
(författare)
-
2019: Report of the Swedish Climate Policy Council
- 2019
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Sweden’s overarching climate target is to reach net-zero emissions of greenhouse gases by 2045, followed by negative emissions. This long-term target is complemented by several interim targets. Those climate targets, the planning and monitoring system regulated under the Swedish Climate Act (2017:720), and the Swedish Climate Policy Council together form Sweden’s climate policy framework.The Climate Act took effect on 1 January 2018 after being adopted by a broad majority of the Riksdag (the Swedish Parliament). The mission of the Swedish Climate Policy Council is to determine if the government’s overall design of policies is compatible with the climate targets adopted by the Parliament and the Government. The Council uses a broad approach to evaluate the comprehensive policy, aiming to assess the effect of different policies on greenhouse gas emission trends. From this broad perspective, we examine the comprehensive policy in two dimensions: leadership and governance, and policy instruments.We define leadership and governance as policy targets, organisation and work procedures. Policy instruments include all the decisions and actions that directly affect citizens, companies and other stakeholders, including taxes, fees, regulations, public-sector consumption and investments.Since 1990, Sweden’s greenhouse gas emissions have decreased by 26%. This reduction mainly took place between 2003 and 2014. Thereafter the rate of reduction slowed, and 2017 was the third consecutive year in which emissions decreased by less than 1%. This rate is far too slow to achieve the climate targets, except for the upcoming 2020 target. The rate of reduction would need to accelerate to between 5% and 8% each year to meet future targets.The Swedish Climate Act states that within the framework of the budget bill, each year the Government must report climate policy decisions and actions taken during the previous year. The first climate assessment was presented to the Parliament together with the 2019 Budget Bill. It lacks assessments of how the reported climate policy decisions and actions might affect emissions. The Government recognised that additional actions are needed in several sectors, but did not state when and how decisions on these actions will be taken. The transitional government at the time said this was due to its limited mandate. This raises the stakes for the four-year Climate Action Plan that the Climate Act requires the Government to present in 2019.To achieve the long-term target, Sweden must reach the interim targets for 2030 and 2040, which include emissions that are not a part of the EU’s Emissions Trading System (EU ETS). All sectors matter, but reaching the 2030 goal depends heavily on progress in the transport sector, because domestic transport accounts for half of Sweden’s current emissions. In light of this, the Climate Policy Council has chosen to more closely examine policies that affect domestic transport emissions in a thematic section in this year’s report.The sectors included in the EU ETS – large-scale industry, civil aviation and power generation – account for almost 40% of Sweden’s greenhouse gas emissions. These sectors are included in the overarching target of net-zero emissions but not in the national interim targets, since the trading system is regulated at the EU level. There is currently no mechanism in place at the EU level to bring emissions covered by the trading system to net-zero in all Member States. Progress on these emissions is not in line with what is required for Sweden to reach its target of net-zero emissions.The report presents ten recommendations to the Swedish government: four general and six for transport policy.
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| 13. |
- Bonde, Ingrid, et al.
(författare)
-
2020: Report of the Swedish Climate Policy Council
- 2020
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This report is the Climate Policy Council’s annual assessment of the Government’s overall work to achieve Sweden’s climate targets. It includes an update of developments in Sweden over the past year and an assessment of the Government’s Climate policy action plan, as required of the Council under our terms of reference.The Climate Policy Council would like to express its sincere thanks to the more than 100 organisations, researchers, experts and practitioners who contributed to this report. The conclusionsand recommendations presented here are the Climate Policy Council’s own.
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| 14. |
- Bonde, Ingrid, et al.
(författare)
-
Det klimatpolitiska ramverket : rapport 2018
- 2018
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Klimatpolitiska rådet bildades den 1 januari 2018 med uppgift att utvärdera hur regeringens samlade politik är förenlig med de klimatmål som riksdagen och regeringen har beslutat. Detta är rådets första rapport. Här presenteras rådets ledamöter och vårt uppdrag, som en del av Sveriges klimatpolitiska ramverk och dess internationella sammanhang i EU och FN.I Paris i december 2015 enades världens länder om ett nytt globalt klimatavtal under klimatkonventionen. Parisavtalet är historiskt då det är det första klimatavtalet som nästan alla världens länder står bakom. Processen bakom avtalet involverade också en lång rad andra viktiga aktörer inom näringsliv, forskning, civilsamhälle, städer och regioner.Efter Parisavtalet har ramverken för att hantera klimatproblemet förstärkts även på europeisk och nationell nivå. I juni 2017 beslutade riksdagen om ett klimatpolitiskt ramverk för Sverige med stöd av en mycket bred majoritet av riksdagens partier. Ramverket innehåller tre delar: långsiktiga mål, ett planerings- och uppföljningssystem samt ett klimatpolitiskt råd. Delar av ramverket är reglerat i en klimatlag.Det övergripande målet i det klimatpolitiska ramverket är att Sverige senast år 2045 inte har några nettoutsläpp av växthusgaser till atmosfären, för att därefter uppnå negativa utsläpp. Ramverket innehåller även etappmål på vägen mot det långsiktiga målet.Som en del av den parlamentariska överenskommelsen och det klimatpolitiska ramverket har regeringen inrättat det Klimatpolitiska rådet. Rådets huvuduppdrag är att ”utvärdera hur regeringens samlade politik är förenlig med de klimatmål som riksdag och regering har beslutat”.Uppdraget att granska regeringens samlade politik understryker klimatfrågans breda och tvärsektoriella karaktär. Att nå målen om ett fossilfritt samhälle utan några nettoutsläpp av växthusgaser inom 25 år innebär en omfattande samhällsförändring i ett komplext samspel mellan mängder av olika faktorer, aktörer och drivkrafter. Klimatfrågan spänner därmed också över i princip samtliga vetenskapliga fält. Det klimatpolitiska rådet består av personer med bred tvär- och mångvetenskaplig kompetens inom naturvetenskap, samhällsvetenskap, humaniora och teknikvetenskap. Till sitt förfogande har rådet ett kansli med tre heltidsanställda.Under första halvan av 2018 kommer rådet att forma inriktning och planer för arbetet. Klimatpolitiska rådet kommer att koncentrera sitt arbete till hur Sverige ska nå klimatmålen genom utsläppsminskningar och kompletterande åtgärder. Klimatanpassningsfrågor ingår inte i rådets arbetsområde.Sverige är inte det första landet som instiftar ett klimatpolitiskt råd. I bland annat Storbritannien, Danmark och Finland finns sedan flera år tillbaka liknande organ. I Sverige bidrar redan många andra myndigheter och organisationer på olika sätt med analys och kunskapsunderlag kring klimatpolitiken. Klimatpolitiska rådet har en unik roll bland myndigheter genom sitt fokus på den samhälleliga klimatomställningen, sitt oberoende och sitt breda mandat att utvärdera regeringens samlade politik.
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| 15. |
- Bonde, Ingrid, et al.
(författare)
-
DN Debatt. ”Regeringens krispolitik måste rymmas i klimatramverket”
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Dagens Nyheter. - : Bonnier. - 1101-2447.
-
Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Klimatpolitiska rådet: Vi kommer att granska om återhämtningspolitiken är förenlig med Sveriges klimatmål.Idén med det av riksdagen beslutade klimatpolitiska ramverket är att klimatomställningen inte ska vara beroende av den ekonomiska eller politiska konjunkturen.
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| 16. |
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| 17. |
- Bonde, Ingrid, et al.
(författare)
-
Klimatpolitiska rådets rapport 2019
- 2019
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Klimatpolitiska rådet bildades den 1 januari 2018 som en del av Sveriges klimatpolitiska ramverk. Ramverket antogs året innan av en mycket bred majoritet i riksdagen.Rådets uppdrag är att utvärdera hur regeringens samlade politik är förenlig med de klimatmål som riksdagen och regeringen har beslutat. Arbetet ska redovisas i en årlig rapport. Denna första granskningsrapport är en genomlysning av den samlade politikens utformning i förhållande till klimatmålen. Den innehåller också våra kommentarer till regeringens första klimatredovisning i 2019 års budgetproposition. Utifrån detta presenterar vi ett antal övergripande observationer och rekommen-dationer. Därutöver har rådet i denna rapport valt att ytterligare fördjupa utvärderingen av politikens påverkan på klimatmålet för inrikes transporter.Klimatpolitiska rådet har fått ett brett och komplext uppdrag. Det finns inga beprövade metoder för att utvärdera hela regeringens politik mot ett långsiktigt mål. Det första årets arbete har delvis handlat om att utveckla arbetssätt och metoder samt att skapa dialog med andra myndigheter och aktörer. Vår ambition är att presentera en rapport som är vetenskapligt grundad och praktiskt användbar för regeringen och riksda-gen. Utifrån det första årets erfarenheter kommer sedan rådets arbete och rapporter att fortsätta utvecklas. Vi vill framföra vårt tack till alla de organisationer, forskare, experter och praktiker som har bidragit till den här rapporten genom att skicka in skriftliga underlag samt delta i seminarier och dialoger skriftliga underlag, seminarier och dialoger. Utöver att ge rekommendationer till regering och riksdag hoppas vi att rapporten ska bidra till en framåtsyftande diskussion mellan alla de aktörer som berörs av Sveriges klimatmål och som behövs för att de ska uppnås.
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| 18. |
- Bonde, Ingrid, et al.
(författare)
-
Klimatpolitiska rådets rapport 2020
- 2020
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Denna rapport är Klimatpolitiska rådets årliga utvärdering av regeringens samlade politik i förhållande till Sveriges klimatmål. Den innehåller en uppdatering av läget i Sverige under det senaste året och den bedömning av klimatpolitiska handlingsplan som rådet ska lämna enligt instruktion i det Klimatpolitiska ramverket.
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
- Brännlund, Runar, et al.
(författare)
-
Vetenskapliga rådets utblick
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Miljö, ekonomi och politik 2012. - Stockholm : Konjunkturinstitutet. - 9789186315382 ; , s. 189-194
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 23. |
- Bulkeley, Harriet, et al.
(författare)
-
Governing climate change transnationally: assessing the evidence from a database of sixty initiatives
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy. - : SAGE Publications. - 1472-3425 .- 0263-774X. ; 30:4, s. 591-612
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- With this paper we present an analysis of sixty transnational governance initiatives and assess the implications for our understanding of the roles of public and private actors, the legitimacy of governance 'beyond' the state, and the North-South dimensions of governing climate change. In the first part of the paper we examine the notion of transnational governance and its applicability in the climate change arena, reflecting on the history and emergence of transnational governance initiatives in this issue area and key areas of debate. In the second part of the paper we present the findings from the database and its analysis. Focusing on three core issues, the roles of public and private actors in governing transnationally, the functions that such initiatives perform, and the ways in which accountability for governing global environmental issues might be achieved, we suggest that significant distinctions are emerging in the universe of transnational climate governance which may have considerable implications for the governing of global environmental issues. In conclusion, we reflect on these findings and the subsequent consequences for the governance of climate change.
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| 24. |
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| 25. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin
(författare)
-
Accountability of Networked Climate Governance. The Rise of Transnational Climate Partnerships
- 2008
-
Ingår i: Global Environmental Politics. - 1526-3800. ; 8:3, s. 74-74
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Public-private partnerships (PPP) have been advanced as a new tool of global governance, which can supply both effective and legitimate governance. In the context of recent debates on the democratic legitimacy of transnational governance, this paper focuses on accountability as a central component of legitimacy. The aim of this paper is to map transnational climate partnerships and evaluate their accountability record in terms of transparency, monitoring mechanisms and representation of stakeholders. Three types of partnerships are identified with respect to their degree of public-private interaction: public-private (hybrid), governmental and private-private. Most of the climate partnerships have functions of advocacy, service provision and implementation. None are standard setting, which indicates that governmental actors are less willing to “contract out” rule-setting authority to private actors in the climate change. Some partnerships, such as the World Summit on Sustainable Development climate partnerships and Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) projects represent “new” modes of hybrid governance with high degree of public-private interaction. However, many partnerships, not least the voluntary technology agreements such as the APP, rest on “old” form of governance based on the logic of lobbying, corporatism, co-optation and interstate bargaining. Private (business-to business) climate partnerships are to varying degrees geared toward quantitative targets in the Kyoto Protocol. The accountability record is higher for hybrid climate partnerships, such as the CDM, due to extensive reporting and monitoring mechanisms, while lower for the governmental networks, such as voluntary technology agreements. Partnerships do not necessarily replace or erode the authority of sovereign states, but rather propels the hybridization and transformation of authority that is increasingly shared between state and nonstate actors.
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| 26. |
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| 27. |
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| 28. |
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| 29. |
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| 30. |
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
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| 33. |
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| 34. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
-
Environmental politics after the deliberative turn
- 2010
-
Ingår i: Environmental politics and deliberative democracy. - Cheltenham : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 9781849806411 - 9781848449541 ; , s. 217-234
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 35. |
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| 36. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
-
Explaining Variation in Legitimation and Delegitimation Practices: Policy Field and Institutional Access
- 2022
-
Ingår i: M Bexell, K Jönsson, and A Uhlin (eds.) Legitimation and Delegitimation in Global Governance: Practices, Justifications, and Audiences. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780192856111 ; , s. 74-95
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter explains variation in discursive, behavioral, and institutional legitimation and delegitimation practices with reference to the nature of the policy field and transnational actor access. Theoretical expectations are probed through a comparison of two intergovernmental global governance institutions during a legitimacy crisis: one operating in the policy field of sustainable development (the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC), the other being a multi-purpose regional organization (the African Union). The chapter finds that the institutionally complex nature of the policy field of climate change explains the rich diversity of discursive, institutional and behavioral legitimation and delegitimation practices in the case of the UNFCCC. In contrast, despite operating in several policy fields, legitimation practices in the African Union are predominantly discursive in nature and dominated by state actors. The high degree of access and openness within the UNFCCC explains variation in (de)legitimation practices. Although the African Union seeks to portray itself as a people-oriented union, the involvement of transnational actors is undermined by a range of exclusionary measures, which explains the limited variation in legitimation and delegitimation in this case.
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| 37. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
-
From collaboration to contestation? Perceptions of legitimacy and effectiveness in post-Paris climate governance
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Earth System Governance. - : Elsevier BV. - 2589-8116. ; 9
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How do governance arrangements affect perceptions of legitimacy and effectiveness amongst non-state actors? This is a pertinent question as the roles of non-state actors have been strengthened in global climate governance. In this paper, we focus on how actors involved in climate governance processes perceive trade-offs and specific factors that risk undermining legitimacy and potential effectiveness of those arrangements. We argue that different rules of procedural legitimacy generate sociological views about whether an institution or its policies will be effective and, in turn, are ‘worthy of support’. To establish this, we engage in an analysis of how nonstate actors have been engaged in the UNFCCC, pre- and post-Paris. We find that efforts to deepen engagement is generating contestation between actors, not fostering collaboration. Focusing on how actors view procedural rules and their potentialities for effective outcomes sheds light on support for those institutions and the development of effective policies.
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| 38. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
-
Global miljöpolitik
- 2006
-
Ingår i: Internationella relationer.
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 39. |
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| 40. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
-
Old Wine in New Bottles? The Legitimation and Delegitimation of UN Public-Private Partnerships for Sustainable Development from the Johannesburg Summit to the Rio+20 Summit
- 2014
-
Ingår i: Globalizations. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1474-774X .- 1474-7731. ; 11:3, s. 331-347
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Global public-private partnerships for sustainable development have been framed as new instruments that can increase the democratic credentials and effectiveness of global governance. This article revisits 10 years of scholarship and practice of the 348 Johannesburg partnerships, adopted at the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development and reaffirmed at the UN Rio+20 summit in 2012. The article analyzes the contending processes of legitimation and delegitimation of partnerships. First, it makes a quantitative assessment of the Johannesburg partnerships to examine to what extent they correspond to the UN's discursive legitimation of partnerships as implementation tools and deliberative mechanisms. Second, drawing upon interviews with civil society and UN officials, we argue that the Rio+20 summit marked the delegitimation of Johannesburg partnerships, aligned with the phase-out of the Commission on Sustainable Development. Yet, the idea of partnerships as such was relegitimized as a symbolic asset. Partnering is a legitimation strategy for UN agencies to maintain their relevance and mission in an era when multilateralism relies on collaboration between state, market, and civil society actors.
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| 41. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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Organizational Challenges to Sustainable Development
- 1996
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Ingår i: Environmental Politics. - 0964-4016. ; 5:2, s. 209-230
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The concept of sustainable development at present permeates public discourse. An inter-organisational perspective can be used to analyse the processes through which this concept has found its way into policy and programme in four different settings: the United Nations, the European Communities, the government of Sweden and the city of Lund, Sweden. Although visible in treaties, laws and action programmes, core sustainable development practices - holistic, integrative and decentralised processes - guide neither policy creation nor implementation in any of the organisational settings. The prevalence of governmnetalism, standard operating procedures, the persistence of hierarchical solutions and tendencies to separate out discrete issues still create obstacles for effective policy implementation. The presence of similar problems in all organisational settings suggests a possibility of comparative insights to be gained by avoiding differentiation between international and domestic levels.
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| 42. |
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| 43. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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Planting trees to mitigate climate change: Contested discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism
- 2006
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Ingår i: Global Environmental Politics. - : Mit Press. - 1526-3800 .- 1536-0091. ; 6:1, s. 50-75
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Forest plantations or so-called carbon sinks have played a critical role in the climate change negotiations and constitute a central element in the scheme to limit atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations set out by the Kyoto Protocol. This paper examines dominant discursive framings of forest plantation projects in the climate regime. A central proposition is that these projects represent a microcosm of competing and overlapping discourses that are mirrored in debates of global environmental governance. While the win-win discourse of ecological modernization has legitimized the inclusion of sink projects in the Kyoto Protocol, a green governmentality discourse has provided the scientific rationale necessary to turn tropical tree-plantation projects operational on the emerging carbon market. A critical civic environmentalism discourse has contested forest sink projects depicting them as unjust and environmentally unsound strategies to mitigate climate change. The article examines the articulation and institutionalization of these discourses in the climate negotiation process as well as the wider implications for environmental governance.
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| 44. |
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| 46. |
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| 47. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin
(författare)
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Scientisation vs. Civic Expertise in Environmental Governance. Ecofeminist, Ecomodernist and Postmodernist Responses
- 2004
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Ingår i: Environmental Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0964-4016 .- 1743-8934. ; 13:4, s. 695-714
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- his article examines three critical perspectives in green political theory arguing that environmental governance is emerging as an increasingly scientised and technocratic domain. These are contrasted with work under the banner of 'civic expertise' proposing increased citizen deliberation and participation in the scientific realm to reverse the technocratic features of environmental management. Eco-feminism links the rise of technocratic science to an overall critique of modernity, rationality and patriarchy. Eco-modernism aims at re-configuring scientific rationality in terms of reflexive modernisation, and a stronger participatory dimension of civil society. In the postmodern green critique, the ascendancy of regulatory science marks the influence of biopower or green governmentality. Civic expertise is advanced as a middle ground between these contested appraisals of science in modern societies. This is underpinned by a post-positivist account of scientific knowledge and promotes a reform of the scientific endeavour toward enhanced transparency, participation and democratisation.
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| 48. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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Sweden : A Pioneer of Acidification Abatement
- 2000
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Ingår i: International environmental agreements and domestic politics : the case of acid rain - the case of acid rain. - : Routledge. - 9781315199566 - 1840143940 - 9781840143942 - 9781138713086 ; , s. 87-108
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In Sweden, the combination of the country’s natural ecological vulnerability to acidification and its geographical location has been domestic focal points for the treatment of the ‘acid rain’ issue. Political interest in the acidification issue in Sweden emerged in the late 1960s, when the problems of long-range transport of sulphuric compounds and their harmful environmental effects were first highlighted by scientists. In 1967, the newly established Swedish Environmental Protection Agency submitted a plan to the Social Democratic government for lowering the sulphur content in fuel oil to 2.5 per cent weight. Based on the requirements stipulated in the First and Second Sulphur Protocol, and the Nitrogen Protocol, Sweden’s implementation and compliance records have been successful. Sweden has fulfilled the binding obligations enshrined in all these three protocols. Abatement costs in the 1980s benefited from the major investments in energy saving technology in the industry sector that took place in the economically expansive period before the oil crisis in the 1970s.
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| 49. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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The democratic legitimacy of orchestration : the UNFCCC, non-state actors, and transnational climate governance
- 2017
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Ingår i: Environmental Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0964-4016 .- 1743-8934. ; 26:4, s. 764-788
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Is orchestration democratically legitimate? On one hand, debates concerning the legitimacy and democratic deficits of international politics continue unabated. On the other, the Secretariat of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has progressively engaged in processes of orchestration culminating in the 2015 Paris Agreement. Scholarship on orchestration has almost exclusively focused on how to ensure effectiveness while excluding normative questions. This lacuna is addressed by arguing that orchestration should be assessed according to its democratic credentials. The promises and pitfalls of orchestration can be usefully analyzed by applying a set of democratic values: participation, deliberation, accountability, and transparency. Two major orchestration efforts by the UNFCCC both pre- and post-Paris are shown to have substantive democratic shortfalls, not least with regard to participation and accountability. Ways of strengthening the democratic legitimacy of orchestration are identified.
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| 50. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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The EU's role in climate change negotiations: from leader to 'leadiator'
- 2013
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Ingår i: Journal of European Public Policy. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1350-1763 .- 1466-4429. ; 20:10, s. 1369-1386
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- We start with two puzzles: first, how to explain the European Union (EU)'s decline as a climate change leader at the Copenhagen summit? Second, how to understand the partial revival of its leadership position at the Durban climate summit? We advance a twofold explanation, focusing on changes in relative power relations among major powers but also on negotiation strategies and coalition building. In Copenhagen, the EU had a normative agenda and unrealistic expectations and thereby failed to forge any bridge-building coalitions. In Durban, it had moved towards a pragmatic strategy, attuned to the realities of changing power constellations. The EU approached developing countries that shared its desire for a legally binding regime covering all major emitters and probed compromises with veto players, such as China and the US. This bridge-building strategy was combined with a conditional pledge to agree to an extension of the Kyoto Protocol. In sum, the EU acted as a leadiator', a leader-cum-mediator.
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