| 1. |
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| 2. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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A New Road to Electoral Success. Incentive structures, elite strategies and the emergence of new political parties in the Baltic States
- 2009
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Ingår i: Workshop om nya politiska partiers framgång i Central- och Östeuropa i Göteborg den 15-16 juni 2009..
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This paper deals with immediate and large scale success of new political parties. Between 2002 and 2004, newly formed parties won three consecutive parliamentary elections in the Baltic States (New Era in Latvia in 2002, Res Publica in Estonia in 2003 and Labour Party in Lithuania in 2004). The aim of the paper is to explain why this happened. We argue that these parties do not fit into the categories of new parties that are established in the literature. Therefore, we focus the comparison on two issues: the incentive structures (socio-economics, level of corruption, political scandal, institutional framework) and the electoral strategies undertaken by the party leaderships. The latter analyses are primarily based on elite interviews.
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Introduction: Quality of Government: Why-What-How
- 2021
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Ingår i: The Oxford Handbook of Quality of Government (eds. Andreas Bågenholm, Monika Bauhr, Marcia Grimes and Bo Rothstein). Oxford: Oxford University Press.. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780198858218
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Why are the post-communist party systems not stabilizing?
- 2013
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Ingår i: ECPR Joint Sessions in Mainz, Workshop 31: Party System Dynamics. New Tools for the Study of Party System Change and Party Transformation, March 12-16, 2013..
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The party system development in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin wall has put focus on the question what it takes for party systems in newly established democracies to stabilize. Some scholars have argued that party system stabilization will follow more or less automatically as time elapse and democracy consolidates, whereas others have pointed to a number of factors which sustain the level of instability. In this paper we analyze party system stability in the ten post-communist EU-member states between 1990 and 2012. The study is based on data from the 68 parliamentary elections held since the first multiparty elections in 1990. We use three indicators to capture the extent of party system stability: electoral volatility, support for new and splinter parties and the number of parties entering and exiting parliament. The first aim of the paper is to compare the level of party system stability temporally as well as between the countries. The results show that the level of instability is consistently high in the region in almost all countries and that there are few indications of stabilization. Estonia and Poland are the only exceptions to this trend. The second aim is to explain why stabilization does not seem to occur in the region. We argue that the main reason is because of what we call a logic of (asymmetric) path dependency, which implies that previous instability breeds continued instability. Both economic performance and level of corruption becomes insignificant when controlling for the level of electoral volatility in the previous as well as the mean level of volatility in the two previous elections. If these results hold in further tests, we can expect party system instability to prevail in most of the CEE countries for the foreseeable future, regardless of the governments’ performances.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Alexander, Amy C, et al.
(författare)
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Are women more likely tothrow therascals out? The mobilizing effect ofsocial service spending onfemale voters
- 2020
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Ingår i: Public Choice. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0048-5829 .- 1573-7101. ; 184, s. 235-261
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This study focuses on gender differences in voter reactions to a corruption scandal in one’s preferred party. We analyze, in a framework of ‘exit, voice and loyalty’, whether women differ from men in terms of turnout (exit), and given that they vote, whether they prefer a clean alternative party (voice) or whether they continue to vote for their preferred party (loyalty) involved in a corruption scandal. We employ sequential logit models using data from the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey from 2017, which contains roughly 77,000 respondents from 21 EU countries and 185 regions. We find that women generally are less tolerant of corruption, but that the effect is highly conditional. In areas where social service spending is more widespread, we find that female respondents are more likely to vote for an alternative party. Yet the odds of exit increase among women when social service spending is lower.
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| 10. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Accountable or Untouchable? Electoral accountability in Romanian local elections
- 2020
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794. ; 66
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While retrospective models of voting posit that voters should “vote the rascals out”, a wave of recent research has found that this is rarely the case. We investigate this question in a context in which many sitting politicians have recently been indicted on corruption charges – the municipal level in Romania, a surprisingly under-researched case in this sub-field. Romania provides a good case for electoral accountability. Not only do Romanians deeply detest corruption, the party system also contains many parties that would make it easy for voters to switch from a corrupt to a cleaner alternative. We collected an original data register of electoral and socio-political data on roughly 3200 localities together with all cases of corruption charges published by the Romanian anti-corruption agency, the Direcţia Naţională Anticorupţie (DNA), accounting for magnitude and timing of the scandal as well as the judicial outcome for the indicted mayor. In all, we find that 81 sitting mayors elected in 2012 were charged with corruption prior to the 2016 election. We test the electoral impact of corruption on the incumbent mayors on four outcomes indicating electoral accountability commonly used in the literature – retirement, vote share compared to the previous election, voter turnout, and reelection using difference and difference and a pairwise matching designs, inter alia. The results show that Romanians do punish their corrupt incumbent mayors to a quite high extent compared to the clean mayors. However, due to the large vote margins, the punishment is not severe enough to make them lose more often than similar “clean‟ mayors, although they tend to not run for re-election at much higher rates. Turnout is unaffected by corruption at the municipal level. In line with previous results, we thus find a certain amount of electoral accountability, but not to the extent that the ‘rascals are thrown out’.
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| 11. |
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| 12. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Anti-Corruption Parties and Good Government
- 2015
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Ingår i: Elites, Institutions and the Quality of Government (eds. Carl Dahlström & Lena Wängnerud). - Basingstoke : Palgrave McMillan. - 9781137556271
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 18. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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Do anti-corruption parties matter? An analysis of the impact of the third wave of niche parties
- 2011
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Ingår i: MPSA 69th Annual National Conference in Chicago.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Niche parties have been increasingly successful during the last 30 years. Parties focusing on immigration and environment have long been in business and their impact on the political discourse as well as on policy outcomes is well established. In this paper we analyze the electoral fates and policy outcomes of the third wave of niche parties, namely those focusing on anti-corruption, whose successes culminated during the 2000s. We focus exclusively on new and splinter parties from Central and Eastern Europe asking: To what extent are these parties successful in obtaining relevant positions in the government to be able to effectively fight corruption? What impact do they have on anti-corruption measures, thereby influencing the level of corruption? How successful are these parties in the following elections? In short, to what extent do anti-corruption parties matter? The results are rather mixed, but indicate that the more influential positions those parties have in government, the better are their anti-corruption performances, which implies that they are serious and competent enough to tackle those issues, despite their newness and lack of experience. Not surprisingly, the incumbent anti-corruption parties fare worse than those in opposition in subsequent elections, but quite a few still remain popular. Finally, all but one party abandoned their anti-corruption rhetoric in their second election, which implies that anti-corruption is a different type of issue, compared to the ones used by previous niche parties.
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| 19. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Do Politics in Europe Benefit from Politicising Corruption?
- 2014
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Ingår i: West European Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0140-2382 .- 1743-9655. ; 37:5, s. 903-931
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, two unexplored trends in European electoral politics are highlighted. Using newly collected data the article tracks the politicisation of corruption in electoral campaigns from 1981 to 2011, an electoral strategy that has been increasing over time in most European countries. It then empirically tests two aspects of this campaign strategy. First, what are the factors that are systematically associated with a party’s decision to politicise corruption? Second, what are the electoral effects in terms of relative vote share for parties that politicise corruption? Using an original data-set that employs multi-level data (parties nested in countries) the results demonstrate first that politicisation of corruption occurs systematically more often among established parties from the main opposition, new parties and parties on the political right, and occurs as a function of country-level corruption, district magnitude and public party financing. Second, it is found that the main opposition and new parties that use such a campaign strategy make significant electoral gains relative to the previous election compared to parties that do not politicise corruption. Yet gains are offset in low-corruption countries. The findings demonstrate salient implications for research on party systems, corruption studies and democratic legitimacy, among other areas of investigation.
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Does Politicization of Corruption Affect Voter Turnout?
- 2014
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Ingår i: Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, August 28-31 2014.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This paper tests to what extent voters’ perceptions of corruption in the political system affect turnout and in particular if politicization of corruption in electoral campaigns affects that relationship. In previous research, some studies find that corruption increases turnout because voters either are bought off to participate or because they are mobilized on clean government issues, but the majority, more often country comparative studies, show that corruption decreases turnout because the presence of corruption corrodes the political system which leads to general cynicism, distrust and voter apathy. In this paper, we test a previously neglected factor, namely if politicization of corruption, defined as any party campaigning on anti-corruption issues, dampens or even reverses the presumed negative effects of perceiving political corruption on turnout. We argue that it is reasonable to believe that people’s willingness to participate will increase if parties address this important issue in electoral campaigns, as it will indicate party responsiveness to voter concerns. We apply multilevel modeling combining individual-level data and country-level data from 20 countries from the second module of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, country-level data from the Quality of Government Data Set and a unique data set on politicization of corruption issues in the election campaign. The findings suggest that politicization of corruption in the election to some extent dampens the negative effect of corruption perceptions on turnout, as the obtained positive interaction effect indicates that the negative effect of perceiving corruption as a problem on turnout is reduced in an election context where corruption is politicized. The results thus show that if corruption is not politicized, the individual corruption perceptions exert a significant negative effect on voting.
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| 23. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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Electoral Accountability and Corruption
- 2021
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Ingår i: The Oxford Handbook of Quality of Government (eds. Andreas Bågenholm, Monika Bauhr, Marcia Grimes and Bo Rothstein). Oxford: Oxford University Press.. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780198858218
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 24. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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Enhancing Governmental Legislative Capacity?
- 2005
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Ingår i: 13th NISPAcee Annual Conference in Moscow, May 19-21, 2005. Working group III: Strategic Leadership in Central Government.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 25. |
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| 26. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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Explaining Legislative Capacity
- 2005
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Ingår i: VII World Congress of the International Council for Central and East European Studies in Berlin, July 2530, 2005.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 27. |
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| 28. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Explaining the Emergence and Success of Parties Politicizing Corruption in Electoral Politics in Europe
- 2013
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Ingår i: presented at the MPSA 71st Annual Conference in Chicago April 11-14, 2013.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In this paper, we highlight two unexplored trends in European electoral politics. One, using newly collected data by the authors, we track the politicization of corruption in electoral campaigns from 1981 to 2011, an electoral strategy which has been increasing over time. Two, we then empirically test the electoral success of parties that politicize corruption using several factors from the literature on new party emergence. The results demonstrate that the politicization of corruption by new as well as established parties, occurs as a function of country level corruption, several electoral institutions, such as district magnitude and public party financing, and macro-economic factors such as the unemployment rate.
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| 29. |
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| 33. |
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| 34. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Political data in 2012
- 2013
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook. - : Wiley. - 2047-8852 .- 2047-8844. ; 52:1, s. 1-19
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 35. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Political data in 2014
- 2015
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook. - : Wiley. - 2047-8852 .- 2047-8844. ; 54:1, s. 1-18
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 36. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Political Data in 2015
- 2016
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research Data Yearbook. - : Wiley. - 2047-8852 .- 2047-8844. ; 55:1, s. 3-13
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 37. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Political data in 2016
- 2017
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook. - : Wiley. - 0304-4130 .- 2047-8844. ; 56:1, s. 3-13
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 38. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969, et al.
(författare)
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Political data in 2017
- 2018
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbook 2017. - 2047-8844 .- 2047-8852. ; 57:1, s. 3-13
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 45. |
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| 46. |
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| 47. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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The Eastern European Transitions. A Survey of the Research Fields
- 2005
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Ingår i: Lindahl, R. (ed). Transition and EU-Enlargement. Economic, Legal, Political and Social Change in Eastern Europe. - Göteborg : Centre for European Research, Göteborg University (CERGU). - 9189608135
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 48. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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The Electoral Fate and Policy Impact of “Anti-Corruption Parties” in Central and Eastern Europe.
- 2013
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Ingår i: Human Affairs. - 1210-3055 .- 1337-401X. ; 23:2, s. 174-195
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Niche parties have been increasingly successful during the last 30 years and have accordingly received a lot of scholarly attention. So far most of the focus has been on Green and radical right parties, and to a more limited extent, regional parties. In this paper I analyze the electoral fates and policy outcomes of another type of niche party, namely those focusing on anti-corruption, whose successes culminated during the 2000s. The study is limited to all new parties campaigning on the issue of anti-corruption in Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin wall and the questions to be answered are: To what extent are these parties successful in obtaining relevant positions in the government so that they are able to effectively fight corruption? What impact do they have on anti-corruption measures, thereby influencing the level of corruption? How successful are these parties in the elections that follow? In short, to what extent do anticorruption parties matter? Apart from electoral and governmental data, the analysis is based on the Freedom House Nation in Transit annual reports, in which one section deals with the efforts to curb corruption. The results are rather mixed, but indicate that the more influential positions the anti-corruption parties (ACPs) have in government, the better are their anti-corruption performances. That implies that they are serious and competent enough to tackle those issues, despite their newness and lack of experience. Not surprisingly, the incumbent ACPs fare worse than those in opposition in subsequent elections, but quite a few still remain popular. Finally, all but one party abandoned their anti-corruption rhetoric in their second election, which implies that anti-corruption is a different type of issue, compared to the ones used by previous niche parties.
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| 49. |
- Bågenholm, Andreas, 1969
(författare)
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Throwing the rascals out? The electoral effects of corruption allegations and corruption scandals in Europe 1981-2011
- 2013
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Ingår i: Crime Law and Social Change. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0925-4994 .- 1573-0751. ; 60:5, s. 595-609
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Corrupt politicians have to a surprisingly great extent been found to go unpunished by the electorate. These findings are, however, drawn from case studies on a limited number of countries. This study, on the contrary, is based on a unique dataset from 215 parliamentary election campaigns in 32 European countries between 1981 and 2011, from which the electoral effects of corruption allegations and corruption scandals are analyzed. Information about the extent to which corruption allegations and scandals have occurred is gathered from election reports in several political science journals, and the electoral effects are measured in terms of the electoral performances-the difference in the share of votes between two elections-of all parties in government, as well as the main incumbent party, and the extent to which the governments survive the election. The control variables are GDP growth and unemployment rate the year preceding the election, the effective number of parliamentary and electoral parties, and the level of corruption. The results show that both corruption allegation and corruption scandals are significantly correlated with governmental performances on a bivariate basis; however, not with governmental change. When controlling for other factors, only corruption allegation has an independent effect on government performances. The study thus concludes-in line with previous research-that voters actually punish corrupt politicians, but to a quite limited extent.
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| 50. |
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