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Sökning: WFRF:(Duit Andreas)

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1.
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2.
  • Uhre, Andreas Nordang, 1982- (författare)
  • On Transnational Actor Participation in Global Environmental Governance
  • 2013
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The formal access of transnational actors (TNA) to international organizations (IO) has increased steadily over the past five decades, and a growing body of literature is at the moment concerned with the theoretical and normative implications of these developments. However, very little is known as of yet about who the TNAs in global governance are, where they come from, which issue areas they focus on, and when and where they choose to participate. Using analytical tools from interest group theory, in particular a subfield called population ecology, this study describes and explains the chronological development of two populations of TNAs in global governance, namely the observer communities of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. TNAs’ financial resources and their geographical proximity to global governance venues emerge as important factors influencing their capacity to participate, causing these TNA populations to be stratified and volatile.
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3.
  • Buylova, Alexandra, et al. (författare)
  • Paper tiger or useful governance tool? : Understanding long-term climate strategies as a climate governance instrument
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: Environmental Science and Policy. - : Elsevier. - 1462-9011 .- 1873-6416. ; 159
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • While climate change is often understood as a collective action and a market problem, we look at it as a problem of planning and coordination. Long-term planning is necessary to promote structural change, which will be required to keep the Paris Agreement's temperature goals. By encouraging states to develop a long-term climate strategy, the Paris Agreement invites countries to turn anticipatory governance into an international governance instrument. In this paper we explore how these strategies describe countries' climate plans and what the perceptions of government officials are about the potential for realization of these strategies. Using mixed methods, we explore both 1) planning dimensions (actions, actors and policies described in the strategies) by applying a topic modeling analysis to 50 documents; and 2) perceptions of the content and challenges to their realization among domestic policy professionals of four major emitters. Our results show that the strategies lack a detailed discussion on how decarbonization pathways could be materialized and who has the responsibility for implementation of long-term targets. Moreover, rather than being a steering instrument, the strategies are dominated by scenario planning and there is also a lack of attention to political issues. Taken together, we contend that strategies are limited in the way they present the future possibilities of low emissions development. To make them more effective in steering long-term decarbonization, greater attention needs to be placed on potential conflicts, barriers and stumbling blocks that may arise along the way.
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4.
  • Dahl, Svend, 1975- (författare)
  • Efter folkrörelsepartiet : Om aktivism och politisk förändring i tre svenska riksdagspartier
  • 2011
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The relationship between a party leadership and party activists is often illustrated by the use of John May’s "Law of curvilinear opinion structures in political parties", i.e. the idea that mid-level party activists are assumed to be more radical than both party sympathisers and the party elite. This tension between party leadership and party activists can be assumed to lead to a restriction on the party leadership’s freedom of action. However, in recent years we have seen a number of examples where political parties have made major realignments of their own policies without any substantial internal conflicts. Given the role assigned to conditions for involvement in the formulation of May's Law it appears reasonable to look in that direction when trying to understand these changes. This study covers the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Green Party in Sweden. The offer made by the parties to their members can be understood in terms of collective goods, such as ideological and political community, and selective goods, such as elected offices. This thesis shows how the political involvement for the interviewed party activists is intimately linked to selective goods. This finding can help us to understand ideological and political changes in present-day parties. If, as a party activist, one is attracted by the opportunities to become an elected representative or the opportunities to exercise political power, it is reasonable to imagine that one will be more inclined to support actions that increase the opportunity to enjoy these goods. Since both the party leadership and the party activists are attracted by the selective goods offered by the party organisation, the conflict between these groups decreases, as both groups are focused on winning elections and exercising political power. The result of this study therefore provides grounds for questioning the ideas of a tension between party activists and party leaderships.
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5.
  • Danielsson, Marianne, 1968- (författare)
  • Fängslande idéer i politik och teori : En teoretisk granskning
  • 2008
  • Licentiatavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • I den snabbt växande litteraturen om idéer i policyprocessen, som ibland kallats ”the ideational turn” tänker man sig ofta att idéer och språk styr politikens aktörer, snarare än styrs av dem. Hur politiska problem formuleras styr vilka lösningar som ter sig rimliga. Intresset riktas mot politik som intellektuell verksamhet. Dessutom tänker man sig att de resulterande tänkesätten kring problem och lösningar – tolkningsramarna eller problembilderna – tenderar att börja leva sitt eget liv, och utanför aktörernas direkta kontroll påverka det politiska beslutsfattandet. Påståenden om verkligheten och värderingspåståenden blir alltså med ett sådant perspektiv väsentliga, eftersom de antas utgöra utgångspunkt och ram för den fortsatta formuleringen av den offentliga politiken. De stänger in och riktar blicken. I den här avhandlingen ska ett antal teorier, med stor tilltro till slagkraftiga idéers förmåga att styra och organisera tanke och handling vid utformning och upprätthållande av offentlig politik, skärskådas och prövas teoretiskt. Målet är att urskilja huruvida dessa innehåller empiriskt prövvärda teoretiska påståenden om idéers funktion i policyprocesser. Med utgångspunkt i en teorigenomgång argumenterar jag för att det verkar rimligt att förvänta sig att stabila eller instängande idéstrukturer hänger samman med stabil interaktion i policyprocesser. I så fall är det likaledes rimligt att undersöka hur reproduktion av idéer, och tröghet i förändring av policy, förhåller sig till det sätt på vilket politiken och policyproduktionen är organiserad. Ett sådant perspektiv innebär alltså att policyproduktion bör undersökas utifrån de organisatoriska och institutionella villkor som präglar den konkreta intellektuella verksamhet som krävs för att policybeslut ska materialiseras. Teorier som tycks svara mot detta krav är Maarten Hajers Discourse Coalition Framework, Paul Sabatier och Hank Jenkins-Smiths Advocacy Coalition Framework och Frank Baumgartners och Bryan Jones Punctuated Equilibrium Theory. De valda teoretikerna beskriver idéer som mer eller mindre trögrörliga sociala konstruktioner, som både är förankrade i och organiserar policyprocessen – även om de inte själva uttrycker det så. De kan alltså ses som olika teoribildningar inom samma teoriperspektiv. I avhandlingen identifieras flera problem i detta teorperspektiv. De handlar alla om de kognitiva låsningar som teorierna förutsätter som förklaringar till stabil policyproduktion. Jag menar att teorierna, för det första, inte på ett tillfredställande sätt lyckas lösa struktur-aktörproblemet utan glider mellan en föreställning om individen som ömsom strukturernas slav och ömsom dess herre, mer beroende på vad som behövs för att lösa förklaringsekvationen än på vad som verkar rimligt och troligt. För det andra ifrågasätter jag, mot bakgrund av det begränsade sociala sammanhang som en policysektor oftast är, rimligheten i att anta att det normala är att den diskurs som präglar ett politikområde förmår definiera världen för policyprocessens aktörer. För det tredje argumenterar jag för att sättet att beskriva de politiska aktörerna som i tanken ”infärgade” av en organisatoriskt, institutionellt eller socialt förankrad diskurs begränsar möjligheten att göra policyanalys till politisk maktanalys. Ett särskilt kapitel ägnas därför åt olika möjligheter att konceptualisera idéstrukturernas relation till aktörerna i policyprocesser. Detta hänger också ihop med förståelsen av makt. Jag menar nämligen att frågan om vad idéstrukturerna gör med aktörerna i policyprocessen är nära sammankopplad med hur vi ska förstå maktrelationerna i denna process. I centrum för avsnittet står den idéernas sociala praktik som är språk, kommunikation och samtal: den språkliga praktik där idéer kommer till uttryck. Frågan som ställs i detta kapitel är om det finns andra sätt än teoriernas antagande om ”kognitiv inlåsning” att tala om politiska idéer som en faktor för makt och inflytande. Detta i sin tur beror på huruvida det finns alternativa sätt att förstå idéstrukturers effekter på policyprocessens aktörer. Och om det går att på ett rimligare och mer konsistent sätt beskriva hur idéer kan skapa maktrelationer, kan vi därmed omvärdera Baumgartner och Jones, Sabatier och Jenkins Smiths, och Hajers teorier i ljuset av dessa insikter? I föreliggande text argumenterar jag för att svaret är ja på båda dessa frågor. Det nästföljande kapitlet ägnas därför åter dessa teorier, nu med fokus på hur de ska prövas empiriskt. Jag diskuterar dels olikheter mellan teorierna beträffande vilka konkreta arenor och aktörer de menar spelar roll för stabilitet i och förändring av policy, dels hur dessa påståenden kan ”översättas” till en prövning i svensk kontext. Diskussionen summeras i ett antal ur teorierna härledda prövbara, delvis konkurrerande, påståenden om hur idéer strukturerar policyprocessen. Det femte avslutande kapitlet summerar hela avhandlingen.
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  • Duit, Andreas, et al. (författare)
  • Dealing With a Wicked Problem? : A Dark Tale of Carnivore Management in Sweden 2007-2011
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Administration & Society. - : SAGE PUBLICATIONS INC. - 0095-3997 .- 1552-3039. ; 50:8, s. 1072-1096
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article, we investigate whether increased participation offers a way of addressing wicked policy problems. We utilize a natural policy experiment in the form of a 2010 reform of Swedish wildlife management policy aiming to solve longstanding conflicts over predators through increased stakeholder participation in regional Wildlife Management Boards. Using a panel study design containing quantitative and qualitative data, we estimate pre- and post-reform levels of three wickedness-reducing mechanisms: legitimacy, deliberation, and conflict intensity. Despite a substantial increase in participation, we find no evidence of reduced wickedness after the reform.
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12.
  • Duit, Andreas, et al. (författare)
  • Governance, complexity, and resilience
  • 2010
  • Ingår i: Global Environmental Change. - Guildford, Surrey : Butterworth-Heinemann, publ. in cooperation with the United Nations. - 0959-3780 .- 1872-9495. ; 20:3, s. 363-368
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This special issue brings together prominent scholars to explore novel multilevel governance challenges posed by the behavior of dynamic and complex social-ecological systems. Here we expand and investigate the emerging notion of “resilience” as a perspective for understanding how societies can cope with, and develop from, disturbances and change. As the contributions to the special issue illustrate, resilience thinking in its current form contains substantial normative and conceptual difficulties for the analysis of social systems. However, a resilience approach to governance issues also shows a great deal of promise as it enables a more refined understanding of the dynamics of rapid, interlinked and multiscale change. This potential should not be underestimated as institutions and decision-makers try to deal with converging trends of global interconnectedness and increasing pressure on social-ecological systems.
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13.
  • Duit, Andreas, et al. (författare)
  • Greening Leviathan : the rise of the environmental state?
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Environmental Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0964-4016 .- 1743-8934. ; 25:1, s. 1-23
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Bringing the state back in' to research on comparative, inter-, and trans-national environmental politics and policy will contribute to better understanding of the limits and prospects of contemporary approaches to environmental politics and the overall evolution of contemporary states once environmental issues become central. The rationale for the state as an analytical perspective in environmental policy and politics is explained, and an empirically oriented concept of the environmental state is introduced, along with a tentative sketch of its evolution in historical perspective. A research agenda on the environmental state is mapped out, centring around variation and convergence in environmental states across space and time; the political/economic dynamics of contemporary environmental states; and inter-linkages among environmental problems, the constitution of political communities, and the functioning of the public power. In conclusion, the ways in which the contributions to this volume address that research agenda are introduced.
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15.
  • Duit, Andreas (författare)
  • Patterns of Environmental Collective Action : Some Cross-National Findings
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0032-3217 .- 1467-9248. ; 59:4, s. 900-920
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Many environmental problems such as global warming, biodiversity loss and waste accumulation can be described as large-scale collective action dilemmas. Previous research on collective action in Common Pool Resource settings has demonstrated that institutional structures and social capital are important for successful management of natural resources. The objective of this article is to investigate the effect of such factors on large-scale environmental collective action. The analysis employs survey data and indicators of institutional quality for 22 countries. Two measurements of environmental collective action are used: (1) intermediate group collective action; and (2) latent group environmental action. Findings point to a dominating role for two factors - institutional quality and membership in voluntary organisations - as key determinants of participation in both latent and intermediate group environmental collective action. These results are interpreted as indications of a possible decoupling between trust and participation in large-scale collective action.
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16.
  • Duit, Andreas (författare)
  • RESILIENCE THINKING : LESSONS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Public Administration. - : Wiley. - 0033-3298 .- 1467-9299. ; 94:2, s. 364-380
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The notion of resilience is rapidly gaining influence in public administration practice and research, but a more comprehensive resilience research agenda in public administration is yet to emerge. This article aims to clarify how experiences and potential contributions from social-ecological resilience research can inform resilience studies in public administration. By contrasting key components of the resilience paradigm and its policy prescriptions with established findings from public administration research, a set of key shortcomings of social-ecological resilience thinking are identified: (1) deterministic systems models; (2) simplified accounts of politics and policy; and (3) a lack of systematic and generalizable empirical studies. To avoid these shortcomings, it is suggested that public administration resilience studies should explore multiple and competing models for how resilience can be generated; analyse trade-offs between resilience and other values of public administration; avoid systems theoretical resilience models; and apply the notion of resilience in areas beyond crisis management.
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17.
  • Duit, Andreas, et al. (författare)
  • Saving the Woodpeckers : Social Capital, Governance, and Policy Performance
  • 2009
  • Ingår i: Journal of Environment and Development. - : SAGE Publications. - 1070-4965 .- 1552-5465. ; 18:1, s. 42-61
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article investigates if higher levels of social capital,better governance structures, and a more ambitious conservationpolicy are positively linked to the ability of states to addressbiodiversity loss. Serving this purpose is a data set containingestimates of woodpecker diversity in 20 European countries.These data are argued to be a more valid indicator of biodiversitythan most other available cross-national measures of environmentalquality. A seemingly unrelated regression analysis reveals thatnone of the indicators are linked to higher levels of woodpeckerdiversity, which in turn leads to the conclusion that presentinstitutions, environmental policies, and social structureshave negligible effects on biodiversity compared to long-termlandscape transformations.
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18.
  • Duit, Andreas, 1972- (författare)
  • The Environmental State
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Routledge Handbook of Environmental Policy. - Abingdon/New York : Routledge. - 9780367489922 - 9781032503110 - 9781003043843 ; , s. 43-54
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The author summarizes and reviews the available scholarly literature on the environmental state. He describes the main research issues, gives an overview of different conceptualizations and definitions of the environmental state, and synthesizes the main findings on the patterns, causes, and consequences of state interventions on environmental issues. Based on the review a set of outstanding research issues are identified. In conclusion, the main argument is that these key issues in environmental state research can only be resolved with further empirical studies, with the overall goal of providing a better model of the political economy of the environmental state.
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19.
  • Duit, Andreas (författare)
  • The four faces of the environmental state : environmental governance regimes in 28 countries
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Environmental Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0964-4016 .- 1743-8934. ; 25:1, s. 69-91
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The primary task for the environmental state is to address problems related to the market's externalisation of environmental costs. It has four main resources at its disposal: regulation, redistribution, organisation, and knowledge generation. The way these four resources are deployed make up a state's environmental governance arrangements. Using data on environmental regulation, taxes, public administrations, and knowledge production from 28 countries, and a hierarchical cluster analysis, four different types of environmental states are identified: established, emerging, partial, and weak. This is followed by some suggestions for further research on the environmental state in a comparative perspective.
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20.
  • Duit, Andreas, 1972-, et al. (författare)
  • The state and the environment : Environmental policy and performance in 37 countries 1970-2010
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Politics and Policy. - 1555-5623 .- 1747-1346. ; 51:6, s. 1046-1068
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970-2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making.
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  • Elmqvist, Thomas, et al. (författare)
  • The Dynamics of Social-Ecological Systems in Urban Landscapes
  • 2004
  • Ingår i: Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. - : Wiley. - 0077-8923 .- 1749-6632. ; 1023, s. 308-322
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This study addresses social-ecological dynamics in the greater metropolitan area of Stockholm County, Sweden, with special focus on the National Urban Park (NUP). It is part of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA) and has the following specific objectives: (1) to provide scientific information on biodiversity patterns, ecosystem dynamics, and ecosystem services generated; (2) to map interplay between actors and institutions involved in management of ecosystem services; and (3) to identify strategies for strengthening social-ecological resilience. The green areas in Stockholm County deliver numerous ecosystem services, for example, air filtration, regulation of microclimate, noise reduction, surface water drainage, recreational and cultural values, nutrient retention, and pollination and seed dispersal. Recreation is among the most important services and NUP, for example, has more than 15 million visitors per year. More than 65 organizations representing 175,000 members are involved in management of ecosystem services. However, because of population increase and urban growth during the last three decades, the region displays a quite dramatic loss of green areas and biodiversity. An important future focus is how management may reduce increasing isolation of urban green areas and enhance connectivity. Comanagement should be considered where locally managed green space may function as buffer zones and for management of weak links that connect larger green areas; for example, there are three such areas around NUP identified. Preliminary results indicate that areas of informal management represent centers on which to base adaptive comanagement, with the potential to strengthen biodiversity management and resilience in the landscape.
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  • Hall, Ola, et al. (författare)
  • World Poverty, Environmental Vulnerability and Population at Risk for Natural Hazards
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: Journal of Maps. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1744-5647. ; , s. 151-160
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The objective of the accompanying map is to show the relation between world poverty, environmental vulnerability and population at risk for natural hazards. Sub-national infant mortality rates are used as proxy for poverty and mapped as a bivariate choropleth map together with national levels of environmental vulnerability. Past density and distribution of natural hazards were mapped on to a textonequarter degree grid and presented as an inset map. An inset map with global population densities is also provided. All maps are in Lambert cylindrical equal-area projection. The main map scale is 1:100 000 000. According to the result from the bivariate mapping of poverty and environmental vulnerability, the world can be stratified into three groups. 1) Regions with low poverty rates and relatively high degree of environmental vulnerability (e.g. Scandinavia, North America). 2) Regions with high levels of poverty and a relatively low degree of environmental vulnerability (3.g. parts of East-Africa, parts of Russia). 3) Regions with high poverty rates and high degrees of environmental vulnerability levels (e.g. middle parts of Asia). When this information is combined with that of population density and natural hazard density and distribution it is clear that those belonging to group three are very vulnerable with usually high population densities and a location prone to natural hazards. This type of small scale mapping is a good way of exploring relations between variables, observing geographical patterns and bringing forward new hypotheses for future research directions, and should be viewed as a complement to large scale mapping and field inventories.
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  • Hentati-Sundberg, Jonas, et al. (författare)
  • Iron triangles and subsidies : understanding the long-term role of the government on Swedish commercial fisheries
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Ecology and Society. - : RESILIENCE ALLIANCE. - 1708-3087. ; 24:4
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Many natural resources have degraded and collapsed despite being managed under rigorous institutional frameworks set up to ensure rational exploitation. Path dependency of dysfunction institutions has been suggested as an explanation for such undesired outcomes. We explore the role of path dependency in natural resource management by studying a 100-year evolution of Swedish fisheries. We rely on three main types of original longitudinal data collected for the period 1914–2016: (A) policy documents, (B) government spending on management and subsidies, and (C) catch and fleet data. Our analysis contrasts the periods before and after the Swedish entrance into the European Union (1995) because this marks the year when fisheries policy became beyond the direct influence of the Swedish government. We uncover four pieces of evidence suggesting the existence of a path dependent dynamic in the pre-EU period: (1) despite increasing insights on the vulnerability of fish stocks to overexploitation, national policy goals in relation to fisheries continuously promoted incompatible goals of social and economic growth but without any reference to the sustainability of the biological resources; (2) the same policy instruments were used over long periods; (3) actor constellations within the fisheries policy subsystem were stable over time; (4) neither political regime nor macroeconomic variables and fisheries performance (industry production, oil price, landing values) could explain observed temporal variation in subsidies. We conclude that key policy actors in the pre-EU period formed an “iron triangle” and thereby prevented necessary policy changes. These national reinforcing feedbacks have been weakened since EU entrance, and the indicators for path dependency show broader involvement of stakeholders, a shift in spending, and policy goals that now explicitly address ecological sustainability.
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26.
  • Jernnäs, Maria, et al. (författare)
  • Cross-national patterns of governance mechanisms in nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Climate Policy. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1469-3062 .- 1752-7457. ; 19:10, s. 1239-1249
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The continuous submission and scaling-up of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) constitutes a key feature of the Paris Agreement. In their NDCs, states propose governance mechanisms for implementation of climate action, in turn distinguishing appropriate roles for the state in climate governance. Clarity on Parties’ suggested roles for the state makes explicit assumptions on the premise of climate policy, in turn contributing to enhanced transparency in negotiations on the scaling-up of NDCs. This also speaks to ongoing debates on roles for the state in climate governance literature. This article identifies the governance mechanisms proposed by states in their NDCs and the roles for the state envisioned by those governance mechanisms, and also examines how cross-national patterns of roles for the state break or converge with conventional patterns of international politics. The analysis shows that states propose a plurality of roles, which to different extents may be complementary or conflictual. We conclude that income, region, and the Annexes under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are important for understanding suggested roles for the state, but that there are nuances to be further explored. We argue that this paper has three key findings: i) a majority of states rely on market mechanisms to implement their NDCs while rules on implementation and assessment of market mechanisms are still an outstanding issue in the negotiations, meaning that resolving this issue will be essential; ii) the process for evaluating and assessing qualitative governance mechanisms needs to be specified; and iii) increased awareness of differing views on the state’s roles makes explicit different perspectives on what constitutes an ambitious and legitimate contribution to combating climate change.
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27.
  • Jester, Julia, et al. (författare)
  • Narratives of Environmentalism in National Laws
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Journal of Environment and Development. - : SAGE Publications. - 1070-4965 .- 1552-5465. ; 32:1, s. 3-33
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • For several decades, national environmental framework laws have come into existence to define its citizens’ environmental rights and duties, as well as express how the government will manage and protect the environment. However, previous research has not considered how a nation’s highest form of law promising environmental protection and management conveys its role or supports relevant parties. To fill this gap, we do a narrative analysis to see what themes emerged in 44 national environmental framework laws across the world. The main themes are (1) Rights and responsibilities of citizens and corporations, (2) Rights of the natural environment, (3) Environmental knowledge, (4) Governing the natural environment, and (5) External influences. Overall, we argue that the narratives we observed in the national environmental framework laws helps shape and reify the existing human domination of the natural environment for our own benefit and survival under the guise of protection.
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28.
  • Koliev, Faradj, 1986-, et al. (författare)
  • Climate shaming : explaining environmental NGOs targeting practices
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Climate Policy. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1469-3062 .- 1752-7457. ; 23:7, s. 845-858
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • How do non-governmental organizations (NGOs) target governments for climate shaming? NGOs increasingly function as monitors of states climate performance and compliance with international climate treaties such as the Paris Agreement. Lacking formal sanctioning capacities, NGOs primarily rely on 'naming and shaming' to hold states accountable to their commitments in climate treaties and to ramp up their climate mitigation efforts. However, we know little about how and why NGOs engage in climate shaming. This article advances two arguments. First, we argue that NGO climate shaming is likely to be shaped by the international and national climate records of governments. Second, governments' climate actions can create contradicting expectations by both inviting and repelling NGO climate shaming. To test our arguments, we complied an original global data set on climate shaming events carried out by environmental NGOs. Our empirical analysis suggests that while NGOs are generally more likely to shame climate laggards, climate frontrunners may also be shamed if they engage in non-binding climate commitments. Key policy insights Climate laws and international climate treaties are central for our understanding of how NGOs target governments for climate shaming. NGOs are generally more likely to target climate laggards than frontrunners. Climate shaming is not only about whether but also how governments participate in global climate governance. Membership in climate institutions with non-binding commitments attracts NGO climate shaming. There is a risk that governments sign international climate treaties, without the intention to comply, in order to escape climate shaming.
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29.
  • Koliev, Faradj, 1986-, et al. (författare)
  • The Impact of INGO Climate Shaming on National Laws
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: International Interactions. - 0305-0629 .- 1547-7444. ; 50:1, s. 94-120
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Does INGO climate shaming translate into actual climate laws, or is it ineffective in altering the behavior of governments? This article provides the first systematic assessment of whether and under what conditions INGO climate shaming can influence national climate policymaking. Drawing on social movement and NGO literatures, we argue that INGO climate shaming can incur reputational costs for governments through two main pathways: public opinion and transnational politics. To test our propositions, we generate a unique dataset on INGO climate shaming, utilizing natural language processing (NLP) to extract INGO climate shaming events from media sources, covering the period 1990–2020. We find that climate shaming is generally effective in pushing government to introduce climate laws. Particularly, we find that climate shaming is consequential when governments are trade-dependent and have committed to global climate norms. Our findings provide substantive implications for the global climate governance literature. 
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30.
  • Lim, Sijeong, et al. (författare)
  • Partisan politics, welfare states, and environmental policy outputs in the OECD countries, 1975-2005
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Regulation and Governance. - : Wiley. - 1748-5983 .- 1748-5991. ; 12:2, s. 220-237
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Building on the burgeoning literature on the association between the welfare state and the environmental state, this study empirically examines how the politics of the former has affected the development of the latter. We suggest that the size of the welfare state shapes the calculus of environmental policy costs by partisan governments. A generous welfare state lowers the costs perceived by the left-wing government, as large redistributive spending allows the government to mitigate the adverse impact of the new environmental policy on its core supporters, industrial workers. A generous welfare state also implies diminished marginal political returns from additional welfare commitment by the left-wing government, which lowers the opportunity costs of environmental policy expansion. To the contrary, because of lower overall regulatory and taxation pressure, a small welfare state reduces the costs of environmental policy expansion as perceived by a right-wing government. Our theoretical narrative is supported in a dynamic panel data analysis of environmental policy outputs in 25 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development member states during the period 1975-2005.
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31.
  • Lundquist, Sanna, 1989- (författare)
  • Governing the Green Economy Transition : Public Opinion, Political Parties, and Environmental Outcomes
  • 2023
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The green economy presents an attractive framework for how economic growth can continue without harming the environment and promises to deliver more resource efficient, less carbon intensive, less environmentally damaging, and more socially inclusive societies. Over the past fifteen years, the idea of a green economy transition as a means to reconcile economic, environmental and social goals has gained traction among a wide range of policy-making organizations and is incorporated in policy agendas at national and global scales. Despite this, research has yet to produce a systematic and careful assessment of the evidence of a green economy transition. This dissertation lays down the first building blocks of a theoretical, empirical and methodological framework that can be used to assess the green economy transition. Taking on an interdisciplinary approach, the dissertation identifies four key objectives of a green economy; market transformation, political management, individual environmental values and attitudes and private sector environmental governance. These four objectives are quantified into multiple indicators and used to provide a systematic and comparative analysis of the causes and drivers of a green economy transition. The overall conclusions of this dissertation are threefold. First, there is empirical evidence of a green economy transition and countries are making progress towards greening growth. Second, it seems possible for political actors to govern the green economy transition and push the economy in the desired direction. Third, a green economy transition requires a more pronounced role of the general public and private market actors. 
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32.
  • Löf, Annette, 1979-, et al. (författare)
  • Acceptans genom medbestämmande? : En analys av regional rovdjursförvaltning 2007-2011
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Mål för rovdjuren. - Stockholm : Fritzes. - 9789138237120 ; , s. 223-253
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Under 2007/2008 genomförde vi intervjuer med tjänstemän och representanter för naturvårds- och jaktintresset i de regionalarovdjursgrupperna (RRG) i 11 län, till övervägande del belägna i det mellansvenska området. Under våren 2011 genomfördes en uppföljande studie i vilken tjänstemän samt naturvårds- och jaktintressets delegater i de nyligen inrättade viltförvaltningsdelegationerna (VFD) intervjuades enligt i stort sett samma frågemall. 2011 års studie kompletterades med en e-enkät till samtliga delegater i viltförvaltningsdelegationerna i de 11 län som ursprungligen ingått i studien. Med reservation för att relativt kort tid förflutit sedan 2010 års reform ger detta underlag goda möjligheteratt jämföra de regionala rovdjursgrupperna med de viltförvaltningsdelegationer som inrättades i deras ställe, och kan på så sätt användas för att dra slutsatser om reformens effekter.Enkätundersökningen möjliggör dessutom vissa generaliseringar angående förhållandena inom viltförvaltningsdelegationerna, även om urvalet av län är begränsat. Utifrån detta material har vi av rovdjursutredningen (M 2010:02) ombetts 1) analysera huruvida syftet med viltförvaltningsdelegationerna har uppnåtts samt 2) utvärdera styrkor och svagheter med den nuvarande institutionella konstruktionen. Vi har därtill ombetts diskutera eventuella alternativa institutionella lösningar för rovdjursförvaltningen om syftet ej skulle anses uppnått. Vi tolkar inrättandet av viltförvaltningsdelegationer som ett led i en strävan att öka acceptansen för rovdjuren genom att stärka rovdjurspolitikens legitimitet på lokal nivå. Enligt propositionen”En ny rovdjursförvaltning” (Prop. 2008/09:210) kan huvudsyftet med viltförvaltningsdelegationerna därför sägas vara att åstadkomma en utökad regionalisering av ansvar samt möjliggöra lokaltinflytande genom deltagande i och inflytande över förvaltningen. I relation till dessa målsättningar visar vår undersökning att:Jämfört med de regionala rovdjursgrupperna finns inga markanta förbättringar vad gäller den sammanlagda graden av upplevd legitimitet, men heller inga försämringar. Det finns däremot vissa tecken på kvalitativa skiftningar i legitimitetsgrunden. Inom VFD tycks legitimiteten ha ökat för rovdjurspolitikeni allmänhet, men däremot har implementeringen av VFD-reformen lett till besvikelse över delegationernas begränsade mandat och därmed också till en legitimitetsförlust för rovdjurspolitikens regionala organisering samt för centrala förvaltningsorgan inom detta område.Det finns tecken på att VFD-reformen medfört en professionalisering av den regionala vilt- och rovdjursförvaltningen, dels i bemärkelsen att intresserepresentanter i högre grad äntidigare uppfattar sig själva som myndighetsutövare, dels i att delegater i större utsträckning än tidigare har en etablerad anknytning till de intresseorganisationer de representerar.Jämfört med de regionala rovdjursgrupperna erbjuder VFD sämre möjligheter till dialog och deliberation mellan olika intressen i rovdjursfrågan, vilket delvis kan ha sin grund i den ökande professionaliseringen. Därtill tycks respondenterna uppfatta intensiteten i rovdjurskonflikten som högre än vid det tidigare mättillfället. Denna ökning i upplevd konfliktintensitet kan dock ha andra orsaker än VFD-reformen.Sammanfattningsvis tycks de problem med VFD-reformen som ges uttryck för i studien till stor del stå att finna i dess implementering snarare än i den institutionella konstruktionen som sådan. Sammantaget innebär dessa resultat att genomförandet av VFD-reformen hittills inte har uppnått målsättningen om ökad acceptans genom utökat deltagande, men att det trots allt finns tecken på gynnsamma tendenser som skulle kunna uppfylla målsättningarna på längre sikt. Mot bakgrund av dessa resultat föreslår vi därför att rovdjursutredningenbeaktar följande justeringar av VFD-reformen:Givet en spridd upplevelse av besvikelse bland många av VFDs medlemmar bör man vara försiktig med större reformer av rovdjursförvaltningen under den närmaste tiden. Reformutrymmet är helt enkelt begränsat, och drastiska omorganisationer riskerar att omintetgöra den legitimitet som trots allt återstår inom den regionala rovdjursförvaltningen.Professionaliseringen är en positiv tendens som bör förstärkas inom VFD. Detta kan bäst uppnås genom att utöka VFDs ansvarsområde och beslutskompetens till att omfatta mer konkreta uppgifterinom t.ex. konfliktlösning, informationsinsatser, och förebyggandeåtgärder mot rovdjursangrepp inom länet.Likaså bör den deliberativa funktionen hos VFD förstärkas, dådetta är den kanske viktigaste kvaliteten hos RRG som gåttförlorad genom 2010 års reform. Här är det viktigt att vid sidanav VFDs myndighetsfunktion också vidmakthålla dess funktionsom diskussionsforum.Det finns skäl att se över representationsordningen inom VFD, särskilt vad avser politikerrepresentanter. Vad som upplevs som en skev intresserepresentation inom VFD undergräver möjligheterna till konstruktiv dialog och överenskommelser, och det är viktigt att vidta åtgärder mot detta så snart som möjligt.Som policyområde präglas rovdjursförvaltningen av omfattande reglering som syftar till att upprätthålla rovdjurspopulationer. Däremot saknas nästan helt incitament för att tolerera rovdjursetablering inom ett förvaltningsområde. Utredningen bör därför överväga om det på längre sikt går att finna konstruktioner som utöver befintlig reglering också medför positiva konsekvenser för berörda grupper av att ha rovdjur inom förvaltningsområdet. Exempel på sådana konsekvenser kan vara extra medel till viltvård, skadeersättningar, eller föreningsverksamhet som kopplastill nyetablering av rovdjursbestånd. Sådana positiva konsekvenser av rovdjursetableringar kan antas ha en gynnsam inverkan på acceptansen för rovdjurspolitiken.
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33.
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34.
  • Mohedano Roldán, Alba, et al. (författare)
  • Does stakeholder participation increase the legitimacy of nature reserves in local communities? Evidence from 92 Biosphere Reserves in 36 countries
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1523-908X .- 1522-7200. ; 21:2, s. 188-203
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The aim of this paper is to investigate if stakeholder participation increases the legitimacy of nature reserves in the surrounding community. Most previous studies of the effects of stakeholder participation in natural resource management have relied on case studies, but in this paper we use a combination of panel data from a two-wave survey (2008 and 2013) of 92 Biosphere Reserves (BRs) in 36 countries and semi-structured interview data from 65 stakeholder respondents in a sub-sample of 10 BRs to systematically investigate the effects of stakeholder participation on the legitimacy of the natural reserve in the local community. The data cover four levels of stakeholder participation: (1) Information, (2) Implementation, (3) Involvement and (4) Representation. These levels roughly correspond to rungs on Arnstein's ladder of participation, and the expected outcome is that the legitimacy of the nature reserve will increase in the surrounding local community as the degree of participation increases. However, findings suggest that there is no linear relationship between participation and legitimacy: climbing upwards on Arnstein's ladder of participation does not uniformly enhance the level of legitimacy of the nature reserve in the local community. Instead, a practice-based form of participation is what seems to increase legitimacy.
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35.
  • Mohedano Roldán, Alba, 1987- (författare)
  • Equality and Participation : Distribution of Outcomes in Participatory Processes for Managing Natural Resources
  • 2018
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Social justice has become an intrinsic feature of sustainable development. One of the ways in which it is expected we will reach more just and sustainable societies is through stakeholder participation in natural resource management. However, entrenched inequalities among participants have generated scepticism about the potential of participation to improve social justice and, until now, the literature has not provided sufficient evidence to disentangle such contradictory views. Approaching social justice from the viewpoint of equality, this dissertation contributes to the debate by studying how the socio-political structure in which participation is embedded affects how far participation outcomes respect equality. The political regime, the distribution of power at the local level, and the characteristics of the participatory process are conceived as embodiments of such socio-political structure. The impact of these three structural factors on outcome equality is studied in biosphere reserves, areas designated by UNESCO as sites for experimenting with sustainable development strategies through stakeholder participation. Survey panel data from biosphere reserve managers and interview data with stakeholders are used in large-n, medium-n, and small-n analyses to explore to what extent, and under which circumstances, participation can lead to equal outcomes. The results suggest that, although in nondemocratic states participation has more difficulty promoting equal outcomes than in democratic states, and that although participation leads to generally unequal outcomes in unequal contexts, some participation outcomes can approach an egalitarian ideal even in these unexpected settings. The results suggest as well that inclusiveness and moderate empowerment of participants can contribute to equal outcomes. In short, participation has the potential to contribute to equality, but such potential varies across outcomes, contexts, and processes.
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36.
  • Orach, Kirill, 1987-, et al. (författare)
  • Sustainability of natural resource governance under interest group competition in policy making
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Non-state actors play an increasingly important role in environmental policy processes. Lobbying activities of interest groups have often been associated with policy stasis and environmental degradation. Little is known, however, about the causal mechanisms through which competition between diverse interest groups can enhance or reduce the adaptive capacity of a governance system. By combining an empirical study with agent-based modelling we explore competing interest group behavior and its implications for responses of the policy system to perceived changes in a fishery. We find that interest group coalition formation as a response to changes in the resource allows the policy system to better respond to resource decline. This mechanism, however, is highly contingent on the distribution of funding among interest groups, issue salience and characteristics of the political system (beliefs of policymakers). Testing the mechanism of interest group influence on policy change allows us to better understand the conditions under which environmental policymaking involving diverse interests and strong (economic/industry) pressure can avoid resource overexploitation.
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37.
  • Orach, Kirill, et al. (författare)
  • Sustainable natural resource governance under interest group competition in policy-making
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Nature Human Behaviour. - : Springer Nature. - 2397-3374. ; 4:9, s. 898-909
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Non-state actors play an increasingly important role in environmental policy. Lobbying by interest groups has been associated with policy stagnation and environmental degradation as well as with sustainable governance. However, little is known about how competition between economic and environmental interests influences the ability of governance systems to avoid undesirable outcomes. We investigate how competing interest group behaviour affects sustainable resource management by tracing the policy change process in a case study of the European Union fisheries policy and analysing its dynamics with an agent-based model. We find that formation of interest group coalitions in response to a perceived crisis can delay or prevent collapses, even when the competing interests have unequal resources. We attribute such outcomes to the emergence and timing of a ‘tug of war’ mechanism between competing interest group coalitions. We argue that attempts to improve sustainable resource management must account for feedbacks from environmental change to behaviours of political actors.
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38.
  • Schultz, Lisen, et al. (författare)
  • Participation, Adaptive Co-management, and Management Performance in the World Network of Biosphere Reserves
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: World Development. - : Elsevier BV. - 0305-750X .- 1873-5991. ; 39:4, s. 662-671
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Analyzing survey-responses from 146 Biosphere Reserves in 55 countries we investigate how stakeholder participation and adaptive co-management practices are linked to management performance. Effectiveness in conventional conservation was positively affected by participation of scientists, but negatively affected by participation of volunteers. Effectiveness in sustainable development goals was associated to participation by local inhabitants. Adaptive co-management practices were associated with a higher level of effectiveness in achieving development goals, and this higher effectiveness did not seem to be at the expense of biodiversity conservation.
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39.
  • Tallberg, Jonas, et al. (författare)
  • NGO Influence in International Organizations : Information, Access, and Exchange
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 48:1, s. 213-238
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • While there is broad consensus that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) sometimes succeed in influencing policy-making within international organizations (IOs), there is much less agreement on the factors and conditions that make NGO lobbying effective. In this article, we make two contributions to this debate. First, we examine the determinants of influence among NGOs active in different IOs, issue areas, and policy phases. The analysis builds on original survey data of more than 400 NGOs involved in five different IOs, complemented by elite interviews with IO and state officials. Second, we advance a specific argument about how the strategic exchange of information and access between NGOs and IOs increases NGO influence in IOs. We contrast this argument, derived from theories of lobbying in American and European politics, with three alternative explanations of NGO influence, privileging material resources, transnational networks, and public-opinion mobilization, and sketch the broader implications of our results for research on NGOs in global governance.
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40.
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41.
  • Valman, Matilda, et al. (författare)
  • Organizational responsiveness : The case of unfolding crises and problem detection within HELCOM
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Marine Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-597X .- 1872-9460. ; 70, s. 49-57
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • How and to what extent do international organizations detect, process and react to different types of change within their policy domains? This study addresses this question by combining a unique data set consisting of policy documents from the Helsinki Commission (HELCOM) with data measuring ecosystem change in the Baltic Sea during the period 1980-2013. Here HELCOM's responses to two types of ecosystem changes are investigated: fast and visible (summer algae blooms) and slow and opaque (anoxic areas). Finally, this study assesses if the organizational reform of 2007, which introduced the ecosystem approach, has had any effects on HELCOM responsiveness. It is found that HELCOM, contrary to expectations, is only responding systematically to slow-moving and opaque processes but that this response confirms the anticipated organizational bottom-up pattern. The ecosystem approach reform seems to have had a negative effect on the responsiveness of HELCOM; however, a general trend is that HELCOM over time has become more responsive in the lower levels of the organization. The lack of an immediate effect regarding the ecosystem approach reform can serve as a reminder of the absence of panaceas in policy making in general, and in environmental governance in particular.
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42.
  • Valman, Matilda, 1984- (författare)
  • Three faces of HELCOM - institution, organization, policy producer
  • 2014
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Despite early initiatives during the 1960s and 1970s, and continuing efforts ever since, the Baltic Sea remains in poor condition. The Helsinki Commission (HELCOM) is the governing body tasked with protecting the marine environment from further deterioration through intergovernmental collaboration between the Baltic Sea states and the EU. In 2007, HELCOM launched a new tool – the Baltic Sea Action Plan (BSAP), of which the so-called ecosystem approach is a cornerstone. However, how and why the BSAP reform was launched, and also what consequences such management reforms can have for transboundary resource management, is unknown.By using institutional theory, organizational theory and the advocacy coalition framework, in combination with content analysis of official documents derived from HELCOM, this thesis argues that the BSAP is the end result of a gradual process of change within institutional structures and actor beliefs. This thesis also shows that HELCOM's capacity to detect, process, and react in response to changes in its regulatory objective has not changed as a consequence of the BSAP. In contrast to earlier research, it seems HELCOM responds better to slow and opaque changes than to quick and visible ones. Finally, by comparing HELCOM with two other similar cases, the thesis shows that HELCOM's adaptive capacity could be improved in line with the recommendations of the ecosystem approach.This thesis illustrates the importance of studying the emergence of new tools for governing transboundary resources from several theoretical perspectives. The thesis uses an innovative quantitative content analysis and concludes that new methods might be required to enable such studies. The different perspectives used here give various explanations concerning the causes and consequences of the BSAP. In a future Baltic Sea, where environmental changes are likely to be abrupt, a multitude of understandings regarding the governance of the Baltic Sea will be crucial.
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43.
  • Wanner, Maximilian S. T. (författare)
  • Change and Progress in Disaster Risk Reduction
  • 2022
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Human-induced climate change is projected to increase the frequency and magnitude of natural hazard events, posing a growing global threat to lives, livelihoods, and assets. Much past research on disaster risk reduction (DRR) has focused on failures of disaster management, while less attention has been devoted to how DRR has changed or improved over time.This dissertation advances our understanding by empirically investigating under what conditions countries can achieve progress in DRR, including measures and policies for managing and reducing the risks of disasters. In that way, it contributes to efforts of sustainable development and climate change adaptation.Article I explores the variety of change and progress under the Hyogo Framework for Action, the international regime for DRR from 2005 to 2015. In addition, the article assesses the prospects of the effectiveness of international environmental regimes built on soft law arrangements consisting of voluntary obligations and non-binding provisions while refraining from sanctions. Article II statistically investigates drivers of progress in DRR for understanding why some countries exhibit positive change. Article III complements the large-scale quantitative analyses of the previous studies with an in-depth case study to unveil the development of DRR policy regimes in two vulnerable countries. The article focuses on Fiji and Nepal as two cases of progress to advance our understanding of how changes in DRR materialised over time.The dissertation makes several contributions to disaster research, theories of institutional and policy change, and development studies. First, this dissertation represents one of a few mixed-methods approaches in DRR research, conducting a comprehensive analysis of progress in DRR. Second, the dissertation systematically documents changes in DRR efforts, which confirms a positive global trend, detects countries that deviate from this trend, and identifies cases of outstanding progress. Third, the three studies highlight the importance of continued participation in and compliance with international regimes, governance effectiveness and accountability mechanisms, continuous leadership and knowledge diffusion, as well as large-scale hazard events for the expansion of DRR. Fourth, the findings demonstrate how positive changes were achieved even under adverse circumstances in developing countries.The findings underscore the need for future research on positive change in DRR, particularly on how accountability mechanisms and regime types may shape policies and policy-making. 
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