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| 2. |
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Introduction and Conclusion
- 2006
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Ingår i: The European Union’s Roles in International Politics. - 9780415390934 - 0415390931
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Ahnlid, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Challenging the European Union : The rising powers and the USA in the Doha Round
- 2016
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Ingår i: The Trade-Development Nexus in the European Union: Differentiation, Coherence and Norms. - 9781138816701 - 9781317596905 ; , s. 77-89
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, the challenges posed to the European Union's (EU) role in trade policy and its implications for development policy during the World Trade Organization's Doha Development Agenda, also known as the Doha round, are highlighted. The authors argue that transformed power relations have created a situation characterized by role uncertainty for the emerging powers but also for the EU. Priorities among multiple possible roles - in the existing trade regime, in relation to the global South and in the ongoing negotiations - become subject to redefinition. For the EU, heavily wedded to a multilateralist and reformist mission because of its own history, this process is particularly difficult. The EU's traditional role conceptions as a leader and a benign partner to developing countries have been challenged and partly replaced by a more realist approach.
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| 11. |
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
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| 14. |
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| 15. |
- Bjurulf, Bo, et al.
(författare)
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Negotiating transparency: The role of institutions
- 2004
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Ingår i: Journal of Common Market Studies. - : Wiley. - 0021-9886 .- 1468-5965. ; 42:2, s. 249-269
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- On 30 May 2001, a new regulation on public access to EU documents was presented and was heralded in the European press as a breakthrough for transparency. We argue that a focus on institutions can cast light on the negotiation processes that led to this decision, and explain the final - for realist negotiation theory puzzling - outcome. We demonstrate the importance of institutions in EU negotiations by detailing actor interests and strategies in the transparency case, and by tracing and analysing the negotiation process that resulted in the regulation. The institutions that receive particular attention are: agenda-shaping rules, decision-making procedures and voting rules, informal norms, timetables and deadlines, and intervention by institutional actors.
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| 16. |
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| 17. |
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| 18. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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The EU's role in climate change negotiations: from leader to 'leadiator'
- 2013
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Ingår i: Journal of European Public Policy. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1350-1763 .- 1466-4429. ; 20:10, s. 1369-1386
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- We start with two puzzles: first, how to explain the European Union (EU)'s decline as a climate change leader at the Copenhagen summit? Second, how to understand the partial revival of its leadership position at the Durban climate summit? We advance a twofold explanation, focusing on changes in relative power relations among major powers but also on negotiation strategies and coalition building. In Copenhagen, the EU had a normative agenda and unrealistic expectations and thereby failed to forge any bridge-building coalitions. In Durban, it had moved towards a pragmatic strategy, attuned to the realities of changing power constellations. The EU approached developing countries that shared its desire for a legally binding regime covering all major emitters and probed compromises with veto players, such as China and the US. This bridge-building strategy was combined with a conditional pledge to agree to an extension of the Kyoto Protocol. In sum, the EU acted as a leadiator', a leader-cum-mediator.
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| 19. |
- Chaban, Natalia, et al.
(författare)
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A perceptual approach to EU public diplomacy : Investigating collaborative diplomacy in EU-Ukraine relations
- 2020
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Ingår i: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy. - 1871-1901. ; 15:4, s. 488-516
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article contributes to the theorisation of collaborative public diplomacy by introducing a perceptual approach. Engaging with the collaborative diplomacy paradigm developed to conceptualise public diplomacy in the context of non-traditional security threats and conflicts, as well as nation building, the article explores and compares perceptions of the European Union (EU) as a public diplomacy actor in Ukraine (tracked in 50 elite interviews) and in Brussels (13 interviews with EU practitioners). The article engages with a concept of a 'perception gap' hypothesising a gap between the Others' perception of the EU and the EU's self-perception. It furthers the conceptualisation of a perception gap by suggesting to consider it at cognitive, normative and emotive levels in the image structure and arguing variation between the levels. The article contends that a perception gap is a critical factor in preventing genuine dialogue, engagement and listening - key concepts proposed by the collaborative diplomacy paradigm.
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Chaban, Natalia, et al.
(författare)
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Politicization of EU Development Policy: The Role of External Perceptions (Case of Ukraine)
- 2021
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Ingår i: Journal of Common Market Studies. - : Wiley. - 0021-9886 .- 1468-5965. ; 59:1, s. 60-143
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article highlights the role of external audiences and their perceptions in analysing the politicization of EU development policy. We analyse how EU foreign assistance is understood in two different intermediary arenas of politicization – elites in different societal sectors and media – within Ukraine, a major recipient of EU aid. By investigating to what extent EU assistance is perceived to be politicized, in terms of salience and polarization we contribute to the debate on outside‐in politicization. Applying a perceptual approach to EU foreign policy studies, we focus on Ukrainian images of Self in its relation to the EU as a development actor and on Ukraine's evaluations of EU assistance. We consult the theory of framing and propose an operationalization of salience in terms of visibility, cultural congruence and emotive charge. We use the typology of cognitive, evaluative and affective images from political psychology to operationalize the notion of polarization.
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| 22. |
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| 23. |
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Development and democracy. What have we learned and how?
- 2002
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- How much is democracy dependent upon supportive economic and social conditions? This question, which has occupied political scientists and sociologists for almost half a century, has attracted special attention in the last ten years as more and more countries have engaged in efforts to democratise. This volume is the first collection to take stock of current literature and put it into context. This book highlights the principal new gains of knowledge as well as continuing gaps in our understanding of the relationship between development and democracy. The chapters cover key issues in the field of comparative politics such as: * economic development and democracy * globalisation and democracy * class and democracy * state and democracy * civil society and democracy * and various institutional arrangements and democratic governance Development and Democracy confirms the robust relationship between levels of economic development and democracy, but suggests that globalization is a key variable in determining the tenuous nature of this relationship in the periphery of the world economy. It raises new questions about the role of social classes in democratization, and points to the importance of including the nature of the state as a factor in the study of democratisation. A further important finding is that countries with mixed legal systems correlate less positively with democracy than do countries with more homogenous legal systems. Moreover, Development and Democracy shows conclusively that the way researchers design their studies has a major impact on their findings.
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| 24. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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A European Feminist Foreign and Security Policy? Norm Contestation and Norm Negotiations in the European Parliament
- 2024
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Ingår i: International Negotiation. - 1382-340X.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In 2020, the European Parliament (ep) issued a resolution calling for all European Union (EU) Member States to adopt feminist foreign and security policies, and for a gender-transformative vision in the EU’s own external policy. Drawing on the literatures on negotiations and norm contestation, this article3 asks why the resolution was so progressive. It also asks how we can characterize and explain the nature of the negotiations leading to the resolution. The findings demonstrate a low level of contestation and negotiations mainly characterized by integrative strategies and solutions. The main opponents to the resolution, the populist radical right groups, were more or less absent from the negotiations but opposed by verbal contestation in plenum and through amendments to the text. We find that individual- and organizational level factors have high explanatory power: the gender equality-friendly institutional culture in the ep was further strengthened by the entrepreneurship of two committed rapporteurs.
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| 25. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Activism and Adaptation. Swedish Security Strategies 1814-1885
- 1997
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Ingår i: Diplomacy & Statecraft. - 1557-301X. ; 8:3, s. 210-236
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Comparing observed Swedish security policy behavior to generally recognized models suggests that Sweden resorted to a variety of strategies in the 19th century, within the general position of nonalignment, in order to successfully avoid being drawn into war. Three phases are identified during the period examined, revealing a pendulum pattern in policy choices. The weak-state strategies employed by Sweden included quiescence, bandwagoning, balancing, and rhetorical activism.
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| 26. |
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| 27. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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An end to Nordic exceptionalism? Europeanisation and Nordic development policies.
- 2016
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Ingår i: European Politics and Society. - : Informa UK Limited. - 2374-5126 .- 2374-5118. ; 17:1, s. 28-41
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Nordic countries have traditionally been praised for their generous and advanced development policies. Recently, however, it has been claimed that the Nordic model has faded: that the Nordic donors have become more similar to other European donors. One possible reason for such trends is influences from EU policies, that is, Europeanisation. This article critically evaluates such claims by presenting arguments for and against Europeanisation effects. We argue that changes have indeed taken place. The Nordic exceptionalism has been eroded. At the same time, a convergence of European aid policies has occurred. The question is if this is the consequence of Europeanisation – or is it rather a result of Nordicisation (the Nordic countries influencing the EU), or perhaps like-mindisation (a broader set of progressive member states having impact upon EU policies)? We suggest that Europeanisation has been extremely weak while there is strong evidence of Nordicisation but also, and increasingly, of like-mindisation. Today, a core group of mainly northern member states, including the Nordics, are the main driving forces behind European aid convergence.
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| 28. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Coalitions in EU negotiations
- 2001
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Ingår i: Scandinavian Political Studies. - : Wiley. - 1467-9477 .- 0080-6757. ; 24:2, s. 111-128
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Coalitions will probably become an increasingly important theme in European Union (EU) politics. The spread of decision making by majority voting promotes coalition-building behaviour. The impending enlargement is predicted to differentiate and polarize policy standpoints within the EU. Increasing levels of policy conflict imply increased propensities for coalition building. Still, the role and nature of coalitions in EU negotiations are obscure. This article raises important research questions: What characterizes coalition building in the EU? How important are coalitions? What coalition patterns are discernible?Using data from a questionnaire to Swedish participants on EU committees, it is shown that coalitions are more frequent when majority voting occurs than when unanimity rules. Coalition behaviour is, however, important also under unanimity. The existence of consensus norms diminishes the propensity to form coalitions. As regards coalition patterns, there is a prevalence of coalitions based on policy interests and/or on cultural affinity. Contrary to conventional wisdom, consistent and durable coalition patterns seem to exist. The north–south divide is one such persistent pattern. The Swedish respondents thus reveal a close cooperation between the Nordic member states and Great Britain, whereas France and Spain are seldom approached for coalition-building purposes. As to future research, evidence from other member states and from case studies is needed in order to learn more about the bases for coalition building in EU negotiations.
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| 29. |
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| 30. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Constructing Bridges and Fostering Growth: Interdisciplinary insights into European Union role conceptions and prescriptions
- 2018
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Ingår i: Cognition, Communication, Discourse. - : V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. - 2218-2926. ; 2018:17, s. 24-36
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article studies the EU’s role conceptions and projections towards its Eastern Neighbourhood, and Ukraine specifically. Informed by the novel focus on narratives and emotions in International Relations (IR) theory and in EU foreign policy studies, we propose an innovative interdisciplinary synergy between IR’s role theory [Harnisch et al. 2011; Holsti, 1970] and cognitive linguistics’ conceptual metaphor theory [Lakoff and Johnson 1980]. Using the tool of conceptual metaphor, we systemically explore the EU’s role conception (self-image) as well as its perception and expectations of the Eastern partners (role prescriptions). In doing so, we put forward a new method to systemically analyse cognitive and emotive elements in the EU’s foreign policy roles based on the notion that conceptual metaphors reveal fundamental cognitive and emotional traits central to the roles actors play. Empirically, we analyse the EU Global Strategy (June 2016) and the EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) Summit’s Official Memorandum (November 2017), as well as 12 interviews with EU practitioners dealing with Ukraine (conducted in 2017).
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| 31. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Critical expectation gaps: Advancing theorization of the perceptual approach in EU foreign policy studies
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Common Market Studies. - : Wiley. - 0021-9886 .- 1468-5965. ; 61:4, s. 1047-1064
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Advancing theorization of the perceptual approach to EU foreign policy, this study develops a new notion of critical expectation gaps, intended to reflect on the depth and intensity of the rapture between expectations/hopes and perceived performance of the EU. In our focus is the correlation between the degree of externally perceived ‘Otherness’ and the likelihood of EU external action to be considered effective, whereas the EU adapts (or not) to existing perception gaps (in this research, the expectation–performance and hope–performance gaps). We propose a novel conceptual apparatus to understand the gaps in terms of the locus of expectations and types of causal factors. Empirically, we engage with a 13-country dataset of external perceptions of the EU amongst tertiary educated youth.
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| 32. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Culture and International Mediation: Exploring theoretical and empirical linkages
- 2001
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Ingår i: International Negotiation. - : Brill. - 1382-340X .- 1571-8069. ; 6:1, s. 3-23
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Culture is undoubtedly one of the most significant aspects of identity, yet our understanding of the concept and particularly of its consequences for international conflict management is underdeveloped. In this article, we test the hypothesis that cultural differences between parties reflect diversity and contradictions, and that these differences compound the difficulties faced by conflicting parties in finding effective mediated outcomes. Several theories that deal with culture's impact on conflict management are presented and a model is introduced that permits us to test the hypothesis empirically. Five variables that measure culture are examined; these include geographical proximity, nature of the political system, political rights, civil rights and religion. The analysis suggests that all but one (nature of the political system) have a significant impact on mediation outcomes.
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| 33. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Curriculum debate and policy change
- 2011
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Ingår i: Journal of Curriculum Studies. - : Routledge. - 0022-0272 .- 1366-5839. ; 43:6, s. 717-738
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article investigates the underlying themes and principles that inform curriculum debate and how they are articulated in current school policy discussions. This topic is approached with the help of a case study covering the debate on which subjects should be mandatory for students at the upper secondary school curriculum in Sweden. The focus is on the arguments for and against the inclusion of History among these core subjects. The aim is to order and structure this debate and to link the arguments found to basic underlying principles. Why was History considered important or unimportant? What arguments are found about the best way to teach History? This study employs a 4-fold distinction which distinguishes between perennialism, essentialism, progressivism, and reconstructivism as four schools of thought, each outlining its own particular view on what kind of knowledge is important and how such knowledge should be taught. One major finding is that two of the schools-progressivism and essentialism-completely dominate the debates under study. There existed a major fault line between those who emphasized the instrumental value of History as a tool for fostering good citizens, and those who considered History part of essential general knowledge about society.
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| 34. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Curriculum debate and policy change
- 2011
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Ingår i: Journal of Curriculum Studies. - : Taylor and Francis Ltd.. - 0022-0272 .- 1366-5839. ; 43:6, s. 717-738
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article investigates the underlying themes and principles that inform curriculum debate and how they are articulated in current school policy discussions. This topic is approached with the help of a case study covering the debate on which subjects should be mandatory for students at the upper secondary school curriculum in Sweden. The focus is on the arguments for and against the inclusion of History among these core subjects. The aim is to order and structure this debate and to link the arguments found to basic underlying principles. Why was History considered important or unimportant? What arguments are found about the best way to teach History? This study employs a 4-fold distinction which distinguishes between perennialism, essentialism, progressivism, and reconstructivism as four schools of thought, each outlining its own particular view on what kind of knowledge is important and how such knowledge should be taught. One major finding is that two of the schools-progressivism and essentialism-completely dominate the debates under study. There existed a major fault line between those who emphasized the instrumental value of History as a tool for fostering good citizens, and those who considered History part of essential general knowledge about society.
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| 35. |
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| 36. |
- Elgström, Ole
(författare)
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Do images matter? The making of Swedish neutrality: 1834 and 1853
- 2000
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Ingår i: Cooperation and Conflict. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-8367 .- 1460-3691. ; 35:3, s. 243-267
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Sweden's decision to choose neutrality as its security policy orientation in the first half of the nineteenth century is explained with the help of image theory. It is argued that a theory focusing on the images of policy-makers regarding self, others and situation provides a better explanation of these strategic decisions than traditional balance-of-power theories. The important role of enemy-images is emphasized, as is the particular impact of images in times of uncertainty.
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| 37. |
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| 38. |
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| 39. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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EU Leadership in an Emerging New World Order
- 2011
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Ingår i: I Europamissionens tjänst. Vänbok till Rutger Lindahl.. - 1104-5507. ; , s. 311-321
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 40. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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EU som förhandlingssystem
- 1999
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Ingår i: Europaperspektiv : årsbok för Europaforskning inom ekonomi, juridik och statskunskap. 1999. - 9164801640
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Abstract is not available
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
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| 43. |
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| 44. |
- Elgström, Ole
(författare)
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Evaluating the Swedish Presidency
- 2002
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Ingår i: Cooperation and Conflict. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-8367 .- 1460-3691. ; 37:2, s. 183-189
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 45. |
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| 46. |
- Elgström, Ole
(författare)
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External perceptions of the EU : Obstacle or asset in the fight against global imbalances?
- 2015
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Ingår i: The EU's Role in Fighting Global Imbalances. - : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 9781784716721 - 9781784716738 ; , s. 250-268
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The European Union’s capacity for leadership is not just decided by the EU itself. It is also affected by the perceptions of other actors regarding the EU’s role, and by their reactions to its initiatives. The same can be said of the Union’s influence in the international arena, including its capacity to do something about global imbalances. Is the EU perceived as a legitimate actor that has something valuable to contribute? Are its promises seen as credible? Are its policies and actions perceived as coherent? In the coming years, the EU will face international negotiations in a number of important areas, and the result will shape the global governance structures of the future. For example, new efforts will be necessary if a free trade agreement within the World Trade Organization is to be saved; attempts will have to be made to set global rules to regulate the emission of greenhouse gases; and renewed initiatives must be taken to get the EU’s partners in the developing world to implement the partnership agreements they have signed up to. In all of these cases, the perceptions of outsiders will be key to the Union’s impact on the outcome.
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| 47. |
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| 48. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Framed Negotiations and Negotiated Frames
- 1992
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Ingår i: Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research. - 1470-1170. ; 36:2, s. 99-120
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 49. |
- Elgström, Ole, et al.
(författare)
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Free to Trade? Commission Autonomy in Economic Partnership Agreement Negotiations
- 2010
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Ingår i: Journal of European Public Policy. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1350-1763 .- 1466-4429. ; 17:2, s. 205-223
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, we suggest that the degree of (dis)unity - both between the member states (MS) in the Council and within the Commission - is a key factor in affecting the balance between Commission autonomy and MS control in international trade negotiations. We shed empirical light on this issue, and on the relative influence of MS and the Commission in general, through a case study of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. We suggest that the differing preferences and priorities among MS and the relative cohesiveness of the Commission provided the Commission with quite a high degree of autonomy during all phases of the EPA negotiations. The informational and procedural advantages given by its institutional position as sole negotiator also contributed to the significant autonomy of the Commission.
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| 50. |
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