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Sökning: WFRF:(Hellström Johan 1976 )

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1.
  • Hellström, Gustav, et al. (författare)
  • Environmentally relevant concentrations of the common anxiolytic pharmaceutical oxazepam do not have acute effect on spawning behavior in mature male Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) parr
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Journal of Applied Ichthyology. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0175-8659 .- 1439-0426. ; 36:1, s. 105-112
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Low concentrations of psychiatric drugs are commonly found in surface waters around the world, and their ability to alter behaviors in aquatic fauna has raised concerns about ecological effects. One critical effect that contamination can have in aquatic systems is modifications of reproductive behaviors. In this study, we hypothesized that oxazepam, a common anxiolytic drug and aquatic contaminant previously shown to induce anti-anxiety behavior in salmonids, also affects the reproductive behavior of Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar). To test this hypothesis, small sexually mature Atlantic salmon males (mature parr) were exposed to concentrations of oxazepam comparable to that of effluent water (1.9 mu g/L). After 5 days of exposure, their reproductive behavior was compared with that of unexposed control individuals. Behavior was monitored in a large-scale flume aquarium that also contained a large male and a female to mimic natural spawning conditions for Atlantic salmon. Three behaviors were quantified for the mature parr; (a) amount of courting behavior towards female, (b) proximity to female, and (c) amount of attacks received from the large male. In contrast to our hypothesis, no difference in either courting behavior, proximity to female, or received aggression could be found between exposed and control male parr. Hence, our results indicate that there is no acute effect of the highest levels of oxazepam concentration reported for urban environments on spawning behavior of mature male parr, although chronic effects could not be ruled out.
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2.
  • Klaminder, Jonatan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Less anxious salmon smolt become easy prey during downstream migration
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Science of the Total Environment. - : Elsevier. - 0048-9697 .- 1879-1026. ; 687, s. 488-493
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Hatchery-reared salmon smolt used for supplementary stocking often display poor migration behavior compared to wild smolt, which reduces the success of this management action. Oxazepam, an anxiolytic drug, has been shown to intensify salmon smolt migration in mesocosm experiments, and treatment with this drug has, therefore, been suggested as a management option to improve downstream smolt migration. In this study, we tested this by assessing migration performance of hatchery-reared Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) smolt along a 21-km long natural river-to-sea migration route in a boreal river in Northern Sweden. Using acoustic telemetry, the migration rate and survival of smolt that had been exposed to oxazepam (200 mu g L-1, N = 20) was monitored and compared with a control group (N = 20) of unexposed smolt. Exposed smolt took significantly longer time to initiate migration after release compared to the control fish, but after that we observed no significant difference in downstream migration speed. However, exposed smolt had considerably higher probability of being predated on compared to control smolt. We attribute these results to increased risk-taking and higher activity in oxazepam-exposed smolt, which in turn increased initial non-directional exploratory behavior and decreased predator vigilance. These results are discussed based on current concerns for ecological implications of behavioral modifications induced by pharmaceutical pollution and climate change. We conclude that exposure to oxazepam is an unsuitable management option to prime migration of reared salmon in natural systems.
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3.
  • Söfteland, John M., 1977, et al. (författare)
  • Intestinal Preservation Injury: A Comparison Between Rat, Porcine and Human Intestines.
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: International journal of molecular sciences. - : MDPI AG. - 1422-0067. ; 20:13
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Advanced preservation injury (PI) after intestinal transplantation has deleterious short- and long-term effects and constitutes a major research topic. Logistics and costs favor rodent studies, whereas clinical translation mandates studies in larger animals or using human material. Despite diverging reports, no direct comparison between the development of intestinal PI in rats, pigs, and humans is available. We compared the development of PI in rat, porcine, and human intestines. Intestinal procurement and cold storage (CS) using histidine-tryptophan-ketoglutarate solution was performed in rats, pigs, and humans. Tissue samples were obtained after 8, 14, and 24 h of CS), and PI was assessed morphologically and at the molecular level (cleaved caspase-3, zonula occludens, claudin-3 and 4, tricellulin, occludin, cytokeratin-8) using immunohistochemistry and Western blot. Intestinal PI developed slower in pigs compared to rats and humans. Tissue injury and apoptosis were significantly higher in rats. Tight junction proteins showed quantitative and qualitative changes differing between species. Significant interspecies differences exist between rats, pigs, and humans regarding intestinal PI progression at tissue and molecular levels. These differences should be taken into account both with regards to study design and the interpretation of findings when relating them to the clinical setting.
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4.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Appendix : On definition and measurement
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Coalition governance in Western Europe. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198868484 ; , s. 727-748
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The appendix introduces our empirical study of the coalition life cycle.  The structure of each country chapter is based on six core tables, each one capturing a major stage in the coalition life cycle.  In the book chapters, the tables help structure the analysis and provide wealth of information and details of the coalition cycle. Nevertheless, the book chapters and this appendix only present a sample of the data and information that we have collected for this research project. For reasons of space, we have had to limit the presentation in the book chapters in terms of time-periods and variables. This appendix presents many more details that are important for readers who are not familiar with the definitions used in coalition research or interested in how particular variables where measured. In addition to the definitions and measurements presented in this appendix, all the data and all the variables are presented in an on-line data appendix at www.erdda.org.
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5.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Coalition governance in Western Europe
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Coalition governance in Western Europe. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198868484 ; , s. 1-14
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This chapter describes the ambitions with the volume. First, we build on the lessons from earlier studies of governments in Western and Central Eastern Europe to deepen our understanding of the coalition life cycle, covering the three stages of a government's "life", beginning with the formation process, then turning to the governance stage, and lastly turning to the final phase when governments eventually terminate. Second, we seek to capture how recent changes in the Western European party systems, which are also described here, influence the various stages of the coalition life cycle. Third, we are in particular interested in how coalition partners cooperate and make policy once a government has formed, aiming to contribute to the growing literature on the topic of coalition governance. The chapter ends with a description of the content of the volume. 
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6.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Coalition governance patterns across Western Europe
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Coalition governance in Western Europe. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198868484 ; , s. 680-726
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • We here summarize and compares the empirical results found by our country authors, focusing on the coalition life cycle in 17 countries. The chapter starts with a description of the changes that have occurred during the past decades in the party systems of Western Europe, and some institutional rules surrounding government formation and duration. We then turn to the comparing patterns of government formation across countries, showing that coalitions constitute almost 70 percent of the cabinets in Western Europe, and that the Scandinavian countries have been dominated by minority cabinets. Focusing on the coalition governance stage, we analyse the variation in the use of various control mechanisms across countries, for example showing that many coalition governments draft extensive contracts to control their partners in cabinet. The comparative data we present also shows that such agreements have become longer over time. Focusing on the last stage of the life cycle, we show that in a majority of countries, it is more common that a cabinet terminates early than serves the full term. There has also been a clear trend towards more government instability, even though the variation in cabinet duration across countries is large. We conclude this chapter by returning to the three coalition governance models described earlier in this volume, classifying the countries as being closer to one of the three models, based on a number of indicators and the information provided by our country experts.
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7.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Coalitions in times of crisis
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: Coalition politics in Central Eastern Europe. - London : Routledge. - 9781032355696 - 9781032357706 - 9781003328483 ; , s. 1-17
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • With this book, we update the analysis of politics in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) along the coalition life cycle. Based on ten country chapters, and a concluding comparative chapter, more than 80 tables and several figures, we present and analyse information on the period from 2008 through 2021. The period saw three major crises, the financial crisis, the migration crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic – as well as tendencies towards democratic backlash in some of the countries. In this chapter, we present the coalition life cycle approach in light of the many challenges that faced the CEE countries since 2008. The Russian invasion of Ukraine on March 24, 2022, is outside of our observation period, but it is, of course, a tremendous challenge for the countries in the region and our contributors are among the first to incorporate observations on how that invasion may impact national coalition politics.
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8.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, et al. (författare)
  • Government formation and breakdown in Western and Central Eastern Europe
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Comparative European Politics. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1472-4790 .- 1740-388X. ; 13:3, s. 345-375
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article, we use a new data set describing governments, political parties and institutions to make an explicit comparison between Western Europe (WE) and Central Eastern Europe (CEE) in the investigation of three different topical issues found in the coalition literature, namely, coalition formation (that is, which factors affect who forms the winning coalitions), the number of cabinet members (that is, what affects the number of ministers in a cabinet) and cabinet duration (that is, which factors affect how long a new government lasts). Our findings indicate that, regardless of all the discussions about how CEE is different from WE because of the post-communist heritage or the volatility of voters in the CEE region, structural attributes such as the size and number of political parties are important determinants of coalition formation and cabinet duration patterns in both the West and the East. In fact, precisely because of the unsettled nature of CEE party politics, structural attributes tend to matter even more in the East.
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9.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • New patterns of coalition politics in central and eastern Europe?
  • 2024. - 1
  • Ingår i: Coalition politics in central eastern Europe. - London : Routledge. - 9781032355696 - 9781032357706 - 9781003328483 ; , s. 288-320
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The first part of the concluding chapter discusses novelties and conceptual challenges that we have noted during our observation period (2008–2021). After this, we focus our attention on coalition politics and its political institutions, particularly regarding the different governance models. Later we discuss the consequences of the three crises identified in the introductory chapter as the main ones since 2008: the financial crisis, the migration crisis, and the Covid crisis. In the final section, we highlight whether the crisis-ridden period has meant new patterns in coalition politics and whether it has resulted in regional unity or diversity. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is now the backdrop against which national politics is played out.
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10.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Preface and acknowledgements
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: Coalition politics in central Eastern Europe. - Abingdon; New York : Routledge. - 9781032355696 - 9781032357706 - 9781003328483 ; , s. xii-
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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11.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Regeringsbildningen efter riksdagsvalet 2018
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Snabbtänkt. - Sundsvall : DEMICOM, Mittuniversitetet. - 9789188025999 ; , s. 21-22
  • Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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12.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • The three stages of the coalition life cycle
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Coalition governance in Western Europe. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198868484 ; , s. 15-40
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This chapter focuses on presenting the main research questions and answers provided in the literature on the different stages of the coalition life cycle. For example, focusing on the first stage, the formation stage, several researchers have tried to explain why specific types of governments form. Other scholars have asked why it take longer to form governments in some contexts. Other scholars have tried to explain how parties distribute ministerial and policy payoffs when forming a cabinet. Focusing on the second stage of the coalition life cycle, we review the growing literature on coalition governance, concentrating on three coalition governance models; the ministerial autonomy model, the coalition compromise model, and the PM dominated model – three models which make different assumptions about the actors that dominate the governance process in coalition governments. Focusing on the last phase of the coalition life cycle, the termination of governments, scholars have long aimed to explain the duration of cabinets, asking why some cabinets last longer than others. At the end of this chapter, we present some expectations about changes to the coalition life cycle which we are likely to observe considering the party system change we have seen in many Western European countries. 
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13.
  • Bergman, Torbjörn, 1957-, et al. (författare)
  • Tre tänkbara alternativ efter riksdagsvalet 2018
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Västerbottens-Kuriren. - Umeå : Västerbottenskurirens Aktiebolag. - 1104-0246.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Vilka tänkbara regeringskoalitioner väntar efter riksdagsvalet? Åtminstone tre alternativ är tänkbara: För det första att blockpolitiken fortsätter på samma sätt som tidigare. Ett andra att barriären gentemot Sverigedemokraterna bryts. Ett tredje alternativ är en uppluckring av blockpolitiken. Förutsättningarna för detta förefaller större än på länge. Det skriver tre statsvetare.
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14.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Hur fördelas ministerposterna i en regering?
  • 2014
  • Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • En fråga som uppmärksammas i media den senaste tiden har varit hur en rödgrön regering under ledning av Löfven kommer se ut. Vilka partier och personer kommer få vilken ministerpost och hur ska Socialdemokraterna och Miljöpartiet hantera att båda partierna värdesätter utbildningsministerposten lika högt? Kan vi få några ledtrådar utifrån den forskning som finns rörande regeringsbildning?
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15.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Kris i regeringsfrågan?
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Demokratins framtid. - Stockholm : Sveriges riksdag. - 9789188607645 ; , s. 269-297
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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16.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Minority governments in Sweden : majority cabinets in disguise
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Minority governments in comparative perspective. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780192871657 - 9780192699541 ; , s. 129-147
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This chapter focuses on governments in Sweden, a country which a have relatively high share of minority governments, over 70 percent, in the post-war period. Most governments formed during this period have been single-party Social Democratic cabinets, supported by one or more parties in parliament, but there have also been several cases of minority coalitions. Swedish politics has historically been characterized by a strong emphasis on a near-unidimensional political conflict along the left-right policy dimension, and a negative parliamentary system which most likely account for the high occurrence of minority cabinets. The chapter describes Sweden as a prime example of what has been called contract parliamentarism, where minority governments often had support party arrangements in the form of an explicit written contract with one or more opposition parties, publicly committing the partners to a policy agreement. The chapter also shows that minority governments in Sweden have performed well, with a high share of government bills having passed through parliament, a high survival of cabinets, and a high level of electoral support. The legislative successes are partly because of contract parliamentarism but also because opposition parties can gain substantial policy influence by the rather strong parliamentary committee system.
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17.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Pre-electoral coalitions, familiarity, and delays in government formation
  • 2024
  • Ingår i: West European Politics. - : Routledge. - 0140-2382 .- 1743-9655. ; 47:1, s. 88-112
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • During the past decade, many parliamentary democracies have experienced bargaining delays when forming governments. The previous literature has attributed protracted government formation processes to a high degree of preference uncertainty among the political parties and a high level of bargaining complexity. The article draws on such theories, but also adds a third theoretical mechanism, commitment problems, and highlights two explanatory variables that have not received much attention so far. The first is pre-electoral coalitions, which are declarations by parties stating that they intend to collaborate with each other after the election. The second is familiarity, which is the mutual trust between parties that comes from having worked together in the past. By combining a large-N study of government formation processes in 17 West European parliamentary democracies (1945-2019) with an in-depth case study of the prolonged Swedish government formation process in 2018-2019, it is shown that pre-electoral coalitions that fail to win a majority can sometimes delay, not speed up, government formation. In addition, a lack of familiarity may sometimes lead to a breakdown of negotiations and drawn-out government formation processes.
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18.
  • Bäck, Hanna, et al. (författare)
  • Sverige behöver underlätta för minoritetsstyren
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Svenska Dagbladet. - Stockholm : Hb Svenska dagbladets AB & Co. - 1101-2412.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Det är problematiskt om Sverige är på väg in i en period där det tar lång tid för partierna att bilda regering. När nästa regering till slut finns på plats bör riksdagen fundera på hur vi ska undvika att Sverige står utan styre även efter nästa riksdagsval.
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19.
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20.
  • Coalition governance in Western Europe
  • 2021
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Coalitions among political parties govern most European democracies. Coalition Governance in Western Europe brings the study of the full coalition life cycle up to date in 16 West European countries. It also introduces the first such analysis of Croatia. The volume provides information and analyses of the full cycle, from pre-electoral alliances to coalition formation and portfolio distribution, governing in coalitions, and the stages that eventually lead to government termination. In recent years, this takes place in a context of party system fragmentation, polarization, and newcomer populist parties. The volume captures these changes and examines the implication for the parties in government. While earlier research on Western Europe tends to stress that coalition partners emphasize coalition compromise and mutual supervision, there are some countries where the prime minister heavily dominates coalition governance. There is also some evidence of 'ministerial government', but less so than in Central Eastern Europe. This volume presents systematic information on political institutions, political parties, coalitions, and coalition governance in Western Europe and Croatia.
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21.
  • Coalition politics in Central Eastern Europe : governing in times of crisis
  • 2024
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This insightful book brings the study of coalitions and coalition governance in Central and Eastern European democracies up to date, with an analytical focus framed by difficult economic and social periods, such as the end of the economic crisis and the Coronavirus pandemic.The volume posits insights from a plethora of experts on party politics and coalition studies from their respective countries, with chapters on Bulgaria, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Embellished with illustrative tables and extensive datasets throughout, each chapter maps the developments of party system change, covering the coalition life cycle from the early 1990s until the end of 2021, and explores whether there has been transformation of the coalition, governance and dissolutions patterns due to heightened pressures.This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of coalition politics, representative democracy, governance, political parties, European Union politics, East and Central European politics, and comparative politics.
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22.
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23.
  • Ekengren Oscarsson, Henrik, et al. (författare)
  • Politisk polarisering behövs i en levande demokrati
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Dagens nyheter. - Stockholm : AB Dagens nyheter. - 1101-2447.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Fyra forskare i SNS Demokratiråd 2021: Vi ifrågasätter föreställningen om att vi lever i en särskilt polariserad tid. Det gäller även påståendet att polarisering enbart är av ondo. Stark polarisering har varit ett grundackord i svenskt politiskt liv. Den intressanta frågan är hur vi så framgångsrikt har kunnat hantera mycket djupa samhällskonflikter och en hög grad av polarisering.
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25.
  • Fahlman, Johan, et al. (författare)
  • Impacts of Oxazepam on Perch (Perca fluviatilis) Behavior : Fish Familiarized to Lake Conditions Do Not Show Predicted Anti-anxiety Response
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Environmental Science and Technology. - : American Chemical Society (ACS). - 0013-936X .- 1520-5851. ; 55:6, s. 3624-3633
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • A current theory in environmental science states that dissolved anxiolytics (oxazepam) from wastewater effluents can reduce anti-predator behavior in fish with potentially negative impacts on prey fish populations. Here, we hypothesize that European perch (Perca fluviatilis) populations being exposed to oxazepam in situ show reduced anti-predator behavior, which has previously been observed for exposed isolated fish in laboratory studies. We tested our hypothesis by exposing a whole-lake ecosystem, containing both perch (prey) and northern pike (Esox lucius; predator), to oxazepam while tracking fish behavior before and after exposure in the exposed lake as well as in an unexposed nearby lake (control). Oxazepam concentrations in the exposed lake ranged between 11 and 24 μg L-1, which is >200 times higher than concentrations reported for European rivers. In contrast to our hypothesis, we did not observe an oxazepam-induced reduction in anti-predator behavior, inferred from perch swimming activity, distance to predators, distance to conspecifics, home-range size, and habitat use. In fact, exposure to oxazepam instead stimulated anti-predator behavior (decreased activity, decreased distance to conspecifics, and increased littoral habitat use) when using behavior in the control lake as a reference. Shoal dynamics and temperature changes may have masked modest reductions in anti-predator behavior due to oxazepam. Although we cannot fully resolve the mechanism(s) behind our observations, our results indicate that the effects of oxazepam on perch behavior in a familiar natural ecosystem are negligible in comparison to the effects of other environmental conditions.
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28.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Birds of a feather flock together? Government duration and cabinet ideological diversity in Western Europe
  • 2011
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • As shown by previous studies on government survival, ideological diversity within cabinets matters. More precisely, it has been suggested that ideological diversity is inversely related to cabinet duration; when the cabinet preference range increases the more likely that a cabinet collapses ahead of the electoral calendar. This paper further disentangle this relationship by examine cabinet duration in 17 Western democracies under varying institutional contexts. We found indications, in line with previous investigations of this relationship, that more ideological similar parties do have a longer average cabinet duration, but we also found that if coalition partners are too similar this could conversely increase the risk of cabinet termination. A plausible explanation for this finding is that when parties are too similar they are basically competing for the same stratum of the electorate, thus tries to win the hearts of the same voters, which could give rise to conflicts within the government coalition.
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31.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Conditional hypotheses in comparative social science : mixed-method approaches to middle-sized data analysis
  • 2011
  • Ingår i: Methodological Innovations Online. - : School of Sociology, Politics and Law, University of Plymouth. - 1748-0612. ; 6:2, s. 71-102
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This paper discusses under which circumstances and how configurational comparative methods (i.e. QCA) and statistical methods can be combined to provide tests for the 'quasi'-sufficiency of any given set of combination of causal conditions. When combined, QCA provides the ability to explore causal substitutability (i.e. multiple paths to a given outcome) and the ways in which many multiple causes interact with one another to produce effects, while the statistical elements can provide robust indications of the probable validity of postulated hypotheses. The potential utility of the mixed-method approach for analyzing political phenomena is demonstrated by applying it to cross-national data regarding party positions on European integration and party-based Euroscepticism in Western Europe. The findings show that oppositional stances to European integration are partly associated with non-governmental ideological fringe parties on both the left and right. The empirical example presented in this paper demonstrates that configurational methods can be successfully combined with statistical methods and supplement the QCA-framework by providing statistical tests of 'almost sufficient' claims. However, combining QCA with statistical methods can sometimes be problematic in middle-sized data analysis, especially as the latter usually cannot handle limited diversity (i.e. insufficient information) in the data and/or overtly complex relationships (i.e. having a large number of conjunctional conditions or interacting variables).
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32.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Dynamic Interactions : National Political Parties, Voters and European Integration
  • 2009
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • This thesis consists of an introduction and four self-contained papers, designated I-IV, which extend previous research on national political parties and voters in Western Europe. More specifically, the issues addressed are parties’ positions and voters’ opinions on European integration and their dynamic interactions, i.e. the extent to which parties’ influence voters’ opinions, voters influence parties, and the conditions under which they influence each other. All four papers make contributions to both the content of the research field and methodology (statistical techniques) applied. Paper I re-examines and evaluates several hypotheses regarding the way national political parties position themselves with respect to European integration. Based on analysis of panel data on references to Europe in the election manifestos of political parties in 16 West European countries between 1970 and 2003, I present evidence that their stances on European integration have been largely determined by their ideology, here measured by the locations of the parties within party families and their general orientation along the left/right ideological continuum. The results indicate that the influence of ideology has diminished over time and parties have adopted more favourable positions towards the European project, but it is too early to ignore the connection between left/right and pro/anti integration, since many marginal parties are still taking oppositional stances that are strongly related to their ideological commitments. In Paper II, I discuss how configurational comparative methods (i.e. Qualitative Comparative Analysis, QCA) and statistical methods can be combined to provide tests for the sufficiency of any given set of combination of causal conditions. The potential utility of the mixed-method approach for analyzing political phenomena is demonstrated by applying it to cross-national data regarding party-based Euroscepti¬cism in Western Europe. The findings show that oppositional stances to European integration are mainly restricted to non-governmental ideological fringe parties on both the left and right. Further, radical left parties with Eurosceptical positions are largely restricted to countries with social democratic (i.e. Nordic) welfare state regimes. The empirical example presented in this paper demonstrates that configurational methods can be successfully combined with related statistical methods. Paper III examines and evaluates the link between electorates’ opinions and national political parties’ positions on European integration, i.e. the extent to which political parties lead and/or follow public opinion on this issue. Applying a method for causal modelling to panel data concerning political parties’ positions and voters’ opinions in 15 countries from 1973 to 2003, I find (contrary to previous investigations of this relationship) that there is little empirical support for an electoral connection or reciprocal causation between party positions and electorates’ opinion regarding European integration. Parties have an influence on voter opinions, but they are largely unresponsive to changes in voter opinion. In Paper IV, I examine when parties do (and do not) influence voters’ opinions about EU policy issues. According to previous research, whether parties are able to persuade their constituents to adopt their standpoints depends on several conditions: characteristics and preferences of individual voters, intra-party factors, inter-party factors and several factors that affect the salience of EU issues at the domestic level. Applying hierarchical linear models to data concerning voters’ opinions and political parties’ positions in 14 West European countries, I present findings regarding the conditions under which parties are actually able to influence voters’ opinions concerning European integration.
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33.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Efter valet 2014 : Regeringsbildningen och det inställda extra valet
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift. - 0039-0747. ; 117:2, s. 261-278
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article we discuss government formation after the parliamentary elections in 2014 in a historical and comparative European context, while at the same time connecting our discussion to the research on government formation and duration in parliamentary democracies. The paper raises and tries to answer the following questions: Why did the Social Democrats form a minority government with the Green Party after the parliamentary elections in 2014, excluding the Left party? What can we say about the allocation of ministerial portfolios between the Social Democrats and the Green Party in the new government? And what are the consequences of the so called December agreement between the new government on its ability to govern and survive until the next regular election in 2018?
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37.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Fler partier leder till kaos i riksdagen
  • 2014
  • Ingår i: Svenska Dagbladet. - Stockholm : Hb Svenska dagbladets AB & Co. - 1101-2412.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Med fler och mindre partier i de nationella parlamenten blir regeringsbildningen en utdragen och svåröverblickbar process. 
  •  
38.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Governmental participation and alliances of liberal parties in Europe
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Liberal parties in Europe. - Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge. - 9780815372387 - 9781351245500 ; , s. 310-325
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • When do Liberal parties get into government, and under which circumstances? With which partners do they generally form government? When getting into office, which ministerial portfolios do they usually obtain? In most European democracies, Liberal parties are represented in parliament and have been in office at some point in time. They also seem to have an above-average ability to secure a place in government and to obtain ministerial portfolios. This chapter takes a comparative approach and examines the patterns of government participation among Liberal parties, and their success in getting both the Prime Ministership and other important ministerial portfolios.
  •  
39.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Governmental participation and alliances of liberal parties in Europe
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Liberal Parties in Europe. - Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Party families in Europe : Routledge. - 9781351245494 - 9780815372387 - 9781351245500 ; , s. 310-325
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This chapter shows that in most European democracies liberal parties are not only represented in parliament but have also been in office at some point in time. In fact, liberal parties have been unusually successful at getting into government and have been in power to an extent that far exceeds their electoral or parliamentary strength. The chapter provides a comparative examination of the patterns of government participation, or lack thereof, of liberal parties in 28 European democracies from 1945–2015. It looks at the control of ministries, and thus potential policy impact. The chapter utilizes a new and updated dataset on ministerial portfolio allocation to be able to investigate which kind of portfolios Liberal parties tend to get and how frequently they have obtained portfolios in the European countries under study. It summarizes the findings and discussing what might lie ahead for Europe's liberal parties.
  •  
40.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Har inkomstklyftorna i Sverige ökat?
  • 2014
  • Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Inlägget nedan är den andra av två inlägg som berör användandet (ekonomisk) statistik i den offentliga debatten inför riksdagsvalet. Det första inlägget om det s.k. RUT-avdraget finns här. Följande inlägg handlar om inkomstfördelning och de s.k. inkomstklyftorna i Sverige och Europa. Båda dessa inlägg syftar till att klargöra vad den offentliga statistiken egentligen säger om två olika politiska frågor, samt klarlägga hur två diametrala ståndpunkter i dessa frågor båda kan vara korrekta.
  •  
41.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • How is Government Stability Affected by the State of the Economy? : Payoff Structures, Government Type and Economic State
  • 2019
  • Ingår i: Government and Opposition. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0017-257X .- 1477-7053. ; 54:2, s. 280-308
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • To what extent are incumbent governments affected by the state of the economy when it comes to premature dissolution? This article investigates this research question using a data set on parties and governments for 18 West European countries for the period 1945–2013. In addition to investigating the general effect of the state of the economy on government termination, we hypothesize that macroeconomic conditions affect cabinet termination in different ways depending on the type of government that is in power. Using Cox proportional hazards models to estimate how different government types are impacted by the same changes in the economy, our results indicate that economic changes do matter, but that they mainly affect coalition governments. Our results also indicate that there is a difference between minority and majority governments when it comes to the type of termination. Minority coalition governments resolve to early elections, not replacements, presumably because a minority government does not survive defection. Majority coalition governments, in contrast, show sensitivity towards both types of terminations.
  •  
42.
  •  
43.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Kommentar: Problematisk opinionsundersökning i VK
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Västerbottens-Kuriren. - Umeå : Västerbottenskurirens Aktiebolag. - 1104-0246.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • I tisdags (28/8) publicerade VK resultatet från en opinionsundersökning av väljaropinionen inför kommunvalet den nionde september. Att dra så stora växlar av en enskild mätning med en svarsfrekvens på endast 35 procent är ytterst problematiskt.
  •  
44.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Kostnaden att regera
  • 2018
  • Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
  •  
45.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Mass support and opposition to European integration : Reconsidering the conditional influence of party positions on voter opinions
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Citizens and political parties evaluate European integration differently, but not independently.  Support for, or opposition to, European integration is understood to be partly mediated by political parties, as supporters assimilate their opinions with those of the party. The purpose of this paper is to propose and test a model of the effectiveness of party cues, i.e. the degree to which parties influence voters’ opinions about EU policy issues. Whether parties are able to persuade their constituents to adopt their standpoints is assumed to depend on several conditions: the individual characteristics and preferences of voters, intra-party factors, inter-party factors and several factors that determine the salience of EU issues at the domestic level. Appling hierarchical linear models to data concerning voters’ opinions and political parties’ positions in 14 Western European countries, I present findings regarding some conditions under which parties are able to influence voters’ opinions concerning European integration
  •  
46.
  •  
47.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Olämpligt att talmannen tar hänsyn till budgeten
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Svenska Dagbladet. - Stockholm : Hb Svenska dagbladets AB & Co. - 1101-2412.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Det bör inte vara upp till enskilda aktörer att själva ändra de grundläggande politiska spelreglerna efter behag. Principerna för regeringsbildningen är en för viktig fråga för talmannen att besluta om.
  •  
48.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976- (författare)
  • Om regeringsbildningen efter valet 2018
  • 2020
  • Annan publikation (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
    • Efter valet 2018 dröjde det 134 dagar innan Sverige fick en ny regering. Den bestod av samma partier och hade samma statsminister som den förra. Varför blev det så? Och varför tog det så lång tid? Var det regelverkets fel? I boken 134 dagar besvaras dessa tre frågor med hjälp av omfattande intervjuer med de viktigaste politiska aktörerna, historiska jämförelser med tidigare svenska erfarenheter och statistiska analyser av regeringsbildningsprocesser i andra länder.
  •  
49.
  • Hellström, Johan, 1976-, et al. (författare)
  • Party debate over Europe in national election campaigns : electoral disunityand party cohesion
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research. - : Wiley. - 0304-4130 .- 1475-6765. ; 55:2, s. 265-282
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Few political parties are willing to lead the public debate on how the European Union should develop and parties rarely publicly discuss issues on the EU agenda. This is probably one of the most important democratic problems in the contemporary EU. When and why parties are willing (or not willing) to discuss European cooperation is therefore an essential issue in which political science should engage. Previous research has shown that parties that are internally divided on EU issues downplay these issues in order to avoid internal disputes. At the same time, parties that have severe intraparty conflicts over the issue are unable to contain the debate. Thus, parties that are unified in their position on EU issues and parties that are heavily split speak about the EU, but others do not. Also, earlier research has shown that political parties downplay issues in response to internal divisions among their supporters. It is argued in this article that the focus should not be solely on intraparty conflict or whether or not a party's voters are hesitant or disunited, but rather on how these factors interact in order to better understand how parties act strategically regarding EU issues. Using a new dataset that relies on quantitative content analysis of quality newspapers during the national election campaigns in the period 1983–2010 in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Sweden, it is found that parties that have a high degree of internal dissent on European issues, while at the same time having an equally divided electorate, are the parties that are most present in the public debate. Hence, it is the interaction between these two important factors that explains much of the variation in the amount of attention paid to European issues in national election campaigns.
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50.
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