| 1. |
- Hessérus, Mattias, 1977-
(författare)
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Rätten till privatlivet : och moralen bakom omoralen i svensk press 1920 – 1980
- 2016
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis examines the development of the notion of the right to privacy in Sweden between 1920 and 1980. The formation of the notion of the right to privacy is studied through the debate concerning exposure of the aspect of privacy that can be considered the most sensitive: the individual’s sex life and intimate relations.The theoretical framework is based on the sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies’ concepts of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (community and association). The thesis pays particular attention to privacy in relation to the development of the “media society” during the 20th century.Three significant shifts in the Swedish history of privacy during the 20th century are identified and examined: The boycott of the muck-raking paper Fäderneslandet (“The Fatherland”) in 1927, the introduction of “the sanctity of private life” in the rules of the Swedish Publicists’ Association in 1953 and the appointment of the Integrity Protection Committee in 1966.Key findings are: The notion of right to privacy in Sweden evolves in four phases: The first phase (1920 – 1953) is characterized by a paradoxical relationship to privacy following the division between “decent” and “indecent”. “Decent people” had the right to a private sphere while “indecent people” were deprived of privacy. After a viscous hunt of homosexuals in the press, in the late 1940’s, the second phase (1953 – 1964) is defined by liberalisation of the decency concept and a more restrictive press policy as regards exposure of private details relating to sexuality.A modern-day notion of right to privacy is, however, not visible in Sweden until the third phase (1964 – 1975). Yet, the fourth phase (1975 – 1980) is characterised by a backlash. Under the slogan of “the private is political” young radicals and second-wave feminists questioned the privacy concept and saw the right to privacy as a threat to community and equality. Attempts to create privacy legislation in Sweden failed due to unwillingness by the government to recognize the rights of the individual over the rights of the community.Conflicting notions of Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft within society partly explains the shifting status of the right to privacy in Sweden 1920 – 1980.
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| 2. |
- Rudberg, Pontus, 1977-
(författare)
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The Swedish Jews and the victims of Nazi terror, 1933–1945
- 2015
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation aims to provide new knowledge about Jewish responses to the Nazi persecutions and the Holocaust. This has been done through a study of the actions of the Jewish minority in Sweden during the Nazi era. The study focuses on the Jewish Community of Stockholm (Mosaiska församlingen i Stockholm, or MFST) but also looks at other Jewish organizations as well as Jewish individuals in Sweden and their differing responses, here conceptualized as political actions (like protesting and lobbying), refugee assistance and relief. This study seeks to contextualize the response of Swedish Jews through an evaluation of their room for maneuver and incitements to act. It has identified a number of factors that, to a varying degree, enhanced or limited Swedish Jews’ ability to aid the victims of Nazi terror, including Swedish immigration legislation and refugee policy, the availability of information about the extent of Nazi atrocities, the relative effectiveness of Jewish organizations, and the financial resources available to the various Jewish relief committees. The ‘liberal imagination’ of the Jewish elite, and a system of refugee aid based on traditional philanthropy also shaped the Swedish Jewish response – and neither was adequate to the scope and enormity of Nazi violence against the Jews. Nevertheless Swedish Jews engaged in a wide range of aid efforts. They raised a large amount of money for relief aid, and supported many refugees financially. They protested against German persecution, as well as Swedish and international indifference to the plight of the Jews. Swedish Jewish representatives repeatedly tried to influence the Swedish and US governments to adopt a more generous policy towards Jewish refugees. They negotiated with Swedish officials in order to raise the immigration quotas for Jewish refugees and introduce new categories of persons who might be eligible for entry. At the time there were two major international networks of Jewish organizations, one mainly Liberal and one predominantly Zionist. This dissertation also shows that the MFST not only was influenced by both of these networks, but also that it took an active role in them. Although previously described as divided, the study shows that the Swedish Jews acted for the most part in concert and that there was broad support among them for the aid policies of the MFST.
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| 3. |
- Fröjmark, Anders
(författare)
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Mirakler och helgonkult : Linköpings biskopdöme under senmedeltid
- 1992
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This work studies the introduction of three new cults of saints in the Linköping Bishopric during the Late Middle Ages. Two of them were based at Vadstena Convent: the Holy Bridgel (Birgitta, d. 1373) cult which had its beginning in 1374 and the cult of Katarina Ulfsdotter (d. 1381), which started during the 1410's. The third, the cult of Bishop Nils Hermansson (d. 1391), which originated at the latest in I40l. was associaled w ith the cathedral in Linköping.The introduction of a saint's cult may be relaled to the need of many people in medieval society for healing and protection. The tales about the saint's posthumous miracles played a key role in the introductory phase of the cults. In the dissertation such tales are used as the foundation for the analysis of the varied geographic and social patterns of distnbution of the three cults.The cult of the Holy Bridget was as much an intemational as a Swedish cult. The other cults studied were two of manv attempts to ride on the wave created by the successes of the Bridget cult. They may furthermore be regarded a response to various types of crises which the sponsoring institutions experienced.
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| 4. |
- Hall, Bo G, 1938-
(författare)
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Perspektiv på Patron : Bruksägaren och statsministern Christian Lundeberg (1842–1911)
- 2010
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The dissertation is a biography of the industrialist and statesman Christian Lundeberg, a leading and stongly pronounced conservative actor in Swedish political life during the decades around1900, but nowadays almost forgotten. The purpose is to identify the main forces – convictions as well as external factors – behind his actions. He was very influential within a range of important sectors, i.a. compulsory national service, repeated interventions to keep the iron ore of Norrland under Swedish ownership, establishment of a regular conservative party and the decision on the vote to right (for men) in 1907. His most well-known action was as Swedish Prime Minister and head architect behind the peaceful dissolution in 1905 of the union with Norway.However for a long time biographies have not been regarded as ”real” scientific work within the concerned academic Swedish circles. For this reason the introductory chapter analyses these discussions and concludes that time now is ready for the genre to come in from the cold , enumerating six criteria regarded to be of paramount importance. These are being observed in the consecutive parts of the study.The following chapter studies the concept of paternalism as defined within Swedish professional circles, forming a background to the remaining parts of the dissertation. In their turn these present thorough reviews both of Lundeberg’s activities as a paternalistic foundry proprietor in the local family owned community of Forsbacka and of his contributions on the central political level.The final chapter summarizes the driving forces behind Lundeberg’s activities in stating that he was not an ultraconservative person, a priori opposing all progress. Instead as the years passed he developed a clear readiness for compromise solutions. Three key concepts are said to be central to the understanding of his person: “Fatherland”, ”Responsibility” and “Duty”. Throughout all his life he adhered to many of the paternalistic principles and values he learnt at an early age in Forsbacka. His present anonymity is explained by the fact that he in a retrospective very often is considered as being defeated in a number of political convictions now regarded as important.
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| 5. |
- Hammarström, Per, 1960-
(författare)
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Nationens styvbarn : Judisk samhällsintegration i några Norrlandsstäder 1870-1940
- 2007
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Ingår i: Svensk kyrkotidning. - Stockholm : Carlsson Bokförlag. - 0346-2153. ; :51-52, s. 664-
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Syftet med denna avhandling är att undersöka vilken ekonomisk och social ställning den judiska minoriteten intog i det svenska samhället under perioden 1870 till 1940. Tidigare forskning har riktat stor uppmärksamhet mot rättsliga och politiska aspekter av den svenska judenhetens historia, mer sällan mot judarna och samhället i en bredare bemärkelse. Andra studier har lyft fram antisemitism på svensk mark utan att koppla fenomenet till en social nivå.Genom en undersökning av hur judiska invandrare, med ursprung i Östeuropa, successivt fogades in i några svenska lokalsamhällen, tar denna avhandling ett bredare grepp på frågan om judarna och samhället. Här undersöks hur den svenska judenheten integrerades i samhället efter det att emancipationen gett judarna fulla medborgerliga och politiska rättigheter. Judarnas ekonomiska och sociala ställning undersöks, liksom den sociala antisemitism som drabbade judarna. Studien rör sig i gränslandet mellan social- och kulturhistoria. Undersökningen visar att merparten av judarna i Sundsvall, en betydelsefull handelsstad i norra Sverige, fick sin försörjning genom en föga lönsam gårdfarihandel under början av undersökningsperioden. Sedan butiks- och grosshandelsrörelser började grundas inleddes en långsam socioekonomisk klättring. I takt med de ekonomiska framgångarna ökade judarnas sociala status, med engagemang i föreningslivet och lokalpolitiken. De framgångsrika familjerna tonade ner sin judiska identitet till förmån för en borgerlig och nationell kultur.Ungefär hälften av den judiska gruppen fick aldrig uppleva framgången utan förblev en marginaliserad grupp, med småhantverk eller gårdfarihandel som försörjningsbas. Det stora flertalet av denna underklass saknade svenskt medborgarskap. En social klyfta vidgades gentemot den judiska borgerligheten. Under hela undersökningsperioden var antisemitismen en kulturell kod i majoritetssamhället, oavsett integration och socioekonomisk framgång. Mycket tyder på att det sociala klimatet blev mer fientligt gentemot judarna efter 1920. Studien visar att nationalstaten Sverige lämnade litet utrymme för multikulturella strukturer. Judarna accepterades som nationens styvbarn men knappast som fullvärdiga svenskar.
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| 6. |
- Neidenmark, Thomas, 1976-
(författare)
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Pedagogiska imperativ och sociala nätverk i svensk medborgarbildning 1812−1828
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis in the History of Education studies the pedagogization of Swedish society from 1812–1828. These ambitions were promoted by state officials and educational innovators who were tightly knit through social networks. The research questions are: Why did these individuals organize themselves the way they did in the field of education? Which practices of external communication and interaction within associations existed? Which impact did these practices of external communication and internal interaction have on the educational debate? Civic formation is analyzed through the activity or practices identified in the diffusion of useful knowledge, self-education, schools, and educational policies. Arguments for civic formation, educational imperatives, are reflected in new words and new schools. The imperatives are in part an outcome of social networking studied through affiliations to associations, newspapers and governing boards. Hence, a great number of affiliations have been organized in a new and advanced web-based application.Papers and associations were important to in dissolving feudal society, and as key ingredients for the emancipation of the middle class, they gradually gained more influence upon society. The educational reformers’ involvement in papers and societies were important for them coining new Swedish words with educational importance: it was an external communicative practice. Involvement in associations is somewhat more internal and has been studied as leading to social interaction. This interaction is studied as social capital through social network analysis. This revealed focal points on the individual level which made a significant contribution to the educational debate. These were social networks sustained by the spirit of Enlightenment and emancipation. What has long been unrecognized in the History of Education is presented as important features in this thesis through the analysis of social networks.
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| 7. |
- Sandin, Per, 1962-
(författare)
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Ett kungahus i tiden : Den bernadotteska dynastins möte med medborgarsamhället c:a 1810–1860
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The purpose of this dissertation is to describe and analyze how the Royal House of Bernadotte maintained and strengthened its legitimacy in the united kingdoms of Sweden and Norway during the first half of the 19th century. Sweden’s repeated military setbacks during the first decade of that century had undermined the last vestiges of the autocratic monarchy’s legitimacy, and as a consequence King Gustav IV Adolf was deposed in a military coup in March 1809. In June parliament adopted a written constitution and the deposed king’s uncle, Prince Charles, ascended the throne as Charles XIII. Since Charles had no children, parliament in August 1810 elected Jean Baptiste Bernadotte, Marshal of the French Empire and Prince of Pontecorvo, as heir to the Swedish throne.Bernadotte, who in Sweden used the name Charles John and was adopted by Charles XIII, immediately became the country’s regent due to the king’s poor health. In that capacity he managed to restore the country’s bruised military confidence and dampen domestic political tensions. In 1813 he led the Northern Army that helped depose his former brother in arms and relative, Emperor Napoleon I. As a sign of appreciation, Sweden was awarded Norway that since the 1300s had been united with Denmark. When Charles XIII died in 1818, the former revolutionary general was proclaimed Charles XIV, king of Sweden and Norway.In older history writing, Charles John’s rule has been described as conservative, even reactionary. This dissertation is linked to research in recent decades that shows that this picture is oversimplified, and partly misleading. This thesis, which also comprises the reign of Oscar I, describes and analyzes how the first two Bernadotte kings interacted with the new societal formation – the civic society that during the 19th and 20th centuries gradually replaced the older elite-ruled society, first in Norway and later in Sweden. This is done through three substudies. The first shows how the royal house used the royal court as a meeting place and invited civic society representatives there. The second substudy describes how the royal house entered civic society by getting involved in so-called voluntary civic associations. The third, and final, substudy depicts how the heirs to the throne Oscar (I) and Charles (XV) and their siblings were readied for encounters with civic society. The dissertation ties in with two international research trends. On the one hand, the modern research on monarchies where British historian Peter Burke is one of the prominent advocates; and on the other, the interdisciplinary research closely linked to the German sociologist and philosopher Jürgen Habermas, which studies and describes various aspects of the emergence and expression of modern civic society. The dissertation’s overall conclusion is that the Royal House of Bernadotte, seen in an international context, during the period 1810–1860 appeared to be notably civic-minded with a clear civic profile.
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| 8. |
- Berg, Anne, 1981-
(författare)
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Kampen om befolkningen : Den svenska nationsformeringens utveckling och sociopolitiska förutsättningar ca 1780–1860
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this thesis is to problematize the western type of nation formation by characterizing and explaining the Swedish process of national identity construction during the Age of Revolution. Thus, the thesis sets out to investigate the political-hegemonic process of identity formation, redefinition and struggle between different political forces. In practise, the thesis develops a typology over different ideological identity projects according to their object of identity formation and their political content. Instead of classifying the projects into civic or cultural types of nationalisms, the scheme of official and counter-hegemonic ideological projects are used. The thesis also sets out to explain the character of the process studied. This is done by analyzing the socio-political conditions of existence of the different national ideological projects. This includes their relationship to the state, their social milieus and the social composition of the agents of nationalization. The thesis shows that the Swedish process can be characterized as a constant battle over the population: a battle over the national self-understanding amongst different layers of the population. The explanation of this character has to do with two existing conditions. Firstly, the existence of a state that supported some identity projects and prohibited others. The state produced a sphere of contest by, partially, allowing the establishment of a sphere of political communication. It also acted as an authority by facilitating the different agents with the political language of nationalism as the main arena of social struggle. The other important condition was the increasing economic modernization, which caused both social mobilization and differentiation – the pre-conditions for intra-class conflicts and inter-class conflicts. In the end this thesis argues, in contrast to the modernist theories in the field, which has underpinned the importance of social communication and state- or bourgeois-led cultural integration, that Sweden, as one of the so-called old continuous nations, was not a top-down project during this particular era. It was a project created from the top as well as from below – inside as well as outside the objects of national politics. It is this simultaneousness that is the main feature of identity formation. And, its explanation lies in the emerging liberal class society as a difference- and community-machine. Consequently, the thesis problematizes the common picture of how and why people became nationals in the western states during the great transformation.
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| 9. |
- Kvist Geverts, Karin, 1974-
(författare)
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Ett främmande element i nationen : Svensk flyktingpolitik och de judiska flyktingarna 1938−1944
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim is to increase our understanding of the mechanisms of social categorization and discrimination, as well as the connection between them. This has been accomplished by examining Swedish refugee policy towards Jewish refugees during the Second World War and the Holocaust, as conducted by The Foreigner’s Bureau of the National Board of Health and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during 1938−1944. The study also compares the Swedish refugee policy with that of Denmark, Switzerland, Great Britain and the United States. The investigation is guided by such concepts as social categorization, discrimination, antisemitism, organizational culture and established practice. The primary sources are documents, minutes and personal dossiers; Svensk författningssamling (legislation) and articles in Sociala Meddelanden (the National Board’s official journal).The main conclusions are that Sweden was not perceived as a country of immigration, based partly of the widespread fear that too many Jewish refugees would create a “Jewish Question”. Swedish authorities discriminated against Jewish refugees on grounds of “race” through a process of categorization. This process began already in the 1920’s, and gradually transformed the definition of “Jew” from a religious to a “racial” definition, based on the Nuremberg Laws. The differentiation of Jewish refugees in official statistics ceased in September 1943, yet it continued secretly until February 1944, encompassing the Norwegian and Danish Jews as well. One important result shows that the shift in policy – from discrimination to large scale reception – was a slow process where this differentiating practice and antisemitic perceptions remained operative. What is defined as an antisemitic background bustle is used to explain how moderate antisemitic expressions were perceived as “unbiased” and “normal” within the Swedish society. Though Sweden’s refugee policy seems similar to that of other countries surveyed, the shift in policy stands out as unique in comparison.
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