| 1. |
- Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Beyond the Absence of War : The Diversity of Peace in Post-Settlement Societies
- 2010
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Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105 .- 1469-9044. ; 36:2, s. 367-390
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article introduces a novel way of conceptualising variations of peace in post-war societies. The most common way of defining peace in the academic literature on war termination is to differentiate between those cases where there is a continuation or resumption of large-scale violence and those cases where violence has been terminated and peace, defined by the absence of war, has been established. Yet, a closer look at a number of countries where a peace agreement has been signed and peace is considered to prevail reveals a much more diverse picture. Beyond the absence of war, there are striking differences in terms of the character of peace that has followed. This article revisits the classical debates on peace and the notion of the Conflict Triangle as a useful theoretical construction for the study of armed conflicts. We develop a classification captured in a Peace Triangle, where post-settlement societies are categorised on the basis of three key dimensions: issues, behaviour, and attitudes. On the basis of such a differentiation, we illustrate the great diversity of peace beyond the absence of war in a number of post-settlement societies. Finally, we discuss the relationship between the different elements of the Peace Triangle, and the challenges they pose for establishing a sustainable peace, as well as the implications of this study for policy makers concerned with peacebuilding efforts.
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| 2. |
- Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Beyond the absence of war : The diversity of peace in post-settlement societies
- 2010
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Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0260-2105 .- 1469-9044. ; 36:2, s. 367-390
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article introduces a novel way of conceptualising variations of peace in post-war societies. The most common way of defining peace in the academic literature on war termination is to differentiate between those cases where there is a continuation or resumption of large-scale violence and those cases where violence has been terminated and peace, defined by the absence of war, has been established. Yet, a closer look at a number of countries where a peace agreement has been signed and peace is considered to prevail reveals a much more diverse picture. Beyond the absence of war, there are striking differences in terms of the character of peace that has followed. This article revisits the classical debates on peace and the notion of the Conflict Triangle as a useful theoretical construction for the study of armed conflicts. We develop a classification captured in a Peace Triangle, where post-settlement societies are categorised on the basis of three key dimensions: issues, behaviour, and attitudes. On the basis of such a differentiation, we illustrate the great diversity of peace beyond the absence of war in a number of post-settlement societies. Finally, we discuss the relationship between the different elements of the Peace Triangle, and the challenges they pose for establishing a sustainable peace, as well as the implications of this study for policy makers concerned with peacebuilding efforts.
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| 3. |
- Nilsson, Desirée, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Dealing with Divergence : Intra-party Dynamics and Spoiler Management in Civil Wars
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Global Security Studies. - : Oxford University Press. - 2057-3170 .- 2057-3189. ; 8:2
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Civil war peace processes are frequently accompanied by spoiler behavior relating to intra-party divergence, such as leadership struggles or breakaway groups, which risk undermining the implementation of a peace accord. However, previous literature has not sufficiently explored how third-party actors can address spoiler behavior linked to such intra-party aspects. This study addresses this gap by providing an empirical analysis of a few illustrative cases of spoiler behavior by armed actors in two peace processes in West Africa—Sierra Leone after the 1999 Lomé peace accords and Liberia after the 2003 Accra peace agreement. We find that in contexts where there is a vertical divergence between the leader and the rest of the group, divisive strategies—aimed to divide and rule or marginalize—are effective. In contrast, in situations of horizontal divergence between different factions that are more equal in power, integrative strategies—aimed at unifying the ranks or reconciling a divided leadership—are more appropriate. This study enhances our understanding of how third-party strategies can be devised to manage intra-party divisions that otherwise may threaten a transition from war to peace.
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| 4. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Autonomous Peace? : The Bangsamoro Region in the Philippines Beyond the 2014 Agreement
- 2021
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Ingår i: Journal of Peacebuilding and Development. - : Sage Publications. - 1542-3166 .- 2165-7440. ; 16:1, s. 55-69
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- What kind of peace has emerged in the Bangsamoro region in the Philippines after the 2014 peace agreement? And how does it matter for the prospects of sustainable peace and development? The peace deal between the government of Philippines and the armed group Moro Islamic Liberation Front builds on the establishment of a new autonomous region. The new autonomy has the potential to end a prolonged cycle of armed rebellions. But if it fails to deliver the expected peace dividends, it could also lead to escalating violence. This article uses the Peace Triangle as a conceptual tool to analyse the current status of peace in Bangsamoro. As such, it advances a theoretical understanding of peace that focuses on how autonomy solutions impact on conflict issues, violent behaviour, and conflict attitudes and aid an assessment of the longer term prospects of peace in the wake of autonomy.
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- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Krisen kräver medling
- 2014
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Ingår i: Dala-Demokraten. - Falun : AB Dalademokraten.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 10. |
- Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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The Predicament of Elections in War-Torn Societies
- 2009
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Ingår i: Democratization. - London : Frank Cass Publishers. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 16:3, s. 530-557
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Why do elections held in the shadow of civil wars sometimes generate more violence in already war-torn societies, while in other circumstances they do not? This article develops a conceptual framework based on three clusters of factors to analyse the conflict-generating aspects of elections in war-torn societies: the key actors in the electoral processes; the institutions of elections; and the stakes of the elections. Two types of war-related elections are distinguished: elections held during an ongoing civil war, and elections held in the post-war period when peace is to be implemented. While different in many respects, the two contexts share critical characteristics through their association with the legacy of warfare. Several important implications emerge from the analysis. First, relating to militant and violent actors, incentive structures need to be altered by addressing both the opportunities and means of violence. Second, to prevent inducements for violent behaviour, institutional arrangements - including electoral commissions have to be crafted with consideration given to local conflict dynamics and the history of violent conflict. Finally, the stakes of elections in war-shattered societies can be reduced through, for instance, constitutional pact-making and the oversight of external actors in electoral processes.
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| 16. |
- Sjöstedt, Roxanna, et al.
(författare)
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Demagogues of Hate or Shepherds of Peace? : Examining the Threat Construction Processes of Warlord Democrats in Sierra Leone and Liberia
- 2019
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Ingår i: Journal of International Relations and Development. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1408-6980 .- 1581-1980. ; 22:3, s. 560-583
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How are threat images framed and constructed by the so-called warlord democrats (WDs)? Societies that have suffered from large-scale civil wars are commonly permeated by inter-group fear and hate. In these contexts, former military or political leaders of armed groups sometimes become involved in post-war politics. These WDs can act as reconciliation spoilers by making securitising moves, i.e. they construct threat images that are potentially very costly for fragile post-conflict democratisation processes. It is therefore crucial to explore WDs’ speech acts. Yet, the literature on post-war politics has largely overlooked these individual aspects. This article argues that the central components of securitisation theory can be useful in understanding this phenomenon if adjusted to the contextual circumstances of post-war societies. By analysing speech acts by seven WDs in post-war Liberia and Sierra Leone, two forms of framing strategies stand out as particularly relevant. First, WDs’ securitising moves are often framed as veiled threats of violence, as it is often deemed too risky for these individuals outside formal power positions to overtly express threats in a generally de-securitised setting. Second, when WDs construct threats, they often chose to frame themselves or their constituencies or followers as the referent object of security.
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| 17. |
- Svensson, Isak, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Brain Train : En handbok för gröna och kreativa arbetsresor
- 2024
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Bok (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Denna praktiska handbok är en resurs för dig som är intresserad av att organisera och genomföra moderna, klimatanpassade arbetsrelaterade resor och möten. Vi presenterar här en ny metod för att skapa bästa möjliga förutsättningar för djuparbete på tåg, särskilt anpassat för långa distanser. Vi visar hur tågresan kan organiseras så att den fungerar som gemensam arbetstid och en unik och värdefull arbetsplats. Vi kallar det Brain Train.
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| 18. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-
(författare)
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A Matter of Faith? : Negotiations with Boko Haram in Nigeria
- 2020
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Ingår i: International Negotiation. - : Brill. - 1382-340X .- 1571-8069. ; 25:3, s. 435-462
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Why are armed conflicts involving warring parties with an Islamist agenda more difficult to resolve through negotiations? In previous research, two main explanations have been put forward; one that highlight the religious element of the parties’ conflict issue and one that emphasis the organizational character of these conflicts, in particular their transnational nature. Yet we still do not know which of these explanations that carry the most explanatory power. The purpose of this article is to test the empirical relevance of these theories through an in-depth study of five negotiation attempts between the government of Nigeria and the group known as Boko Haram during the time period 2011 to 2016. By doing so, this article both addresses one of the key theoretical debates in the scholarly field of religious conflicts and conflict resolution, and presents novel empirical material on a case not well covered in previous negotiation literature.
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| 26. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-
(författare)
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From Rebellion to Politics : The Transformation of Rebel Groups to Political Parties in Civil War Peace Processes
- 2007
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Why do some rebel groups in civil war peace processes transform into viable political parties while others do not? The transformation of armed rebels into peaceful politicians has been identified as one of the most critical factors in explaining the successful transition from violence to sustainable peace. Yet few studies have examined under what conditions these transformations are more or less likely to be carried out. This study addresses this research problem. It focuses specifically on rebel groups that emerge as opposition parties in post-war politics. Drawing on insights provided by previous research, the study develops a novel and integrated theoretical framework which identifies the relevant causal processes of rebel-to-party transformations and links them to a set of explanatory variables in a levels-of-analysis framework. A comparative study is conducted of four rebel organisations that have experienced diverse outcomes in this respect: the FMLN in El Salvador and Renamo in Mozambique, which both became viable political parties, and the RUF in Sierra Leone and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, which did not. It is found that the rebel groups are more likely to become viable political parties when the leadership of the group is united on the decision to abandon the armed struggle and enter peaceful politics; when the rebel group has a relatively high level of popular support among the domestic population; and when key international actors and donors recognise the rebel group as a legitimate political actor. The findings also demonstrate how and why each of these three factors is linked to the outcomes in question by identifying the group’s selective and collective incentives for mobilising support and resources as the key causal mechanisms at work in rebel-to-party transformations. These conclusions are critical to our understanding of the conditions that facilitate or obstruct a transition from rebellion to politics.
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| 31. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-
(författare)
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The Legacy of a Revolution that Never Happened : The Post-War Politics of Former Rebel Party RUFP in Sierra Leone
- 2021
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Ingår i: Government and Opposition. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0017-257X .- 1477-7053. ; 56:2, s. 245-259
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The former rebel party Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP) in Sierra Leone has struggled with a discredited wartime reputation and electoral defeats throughout the post-war period. In spite of this, the party has remained loyal to its wartime revolutionary ideas, symbols and political rhetoric. Why is this the case? In this article, I argue that the answer lies in the premises of party politics in war-torn states and new democracies on the African continent. In a political landscape where brokerage is power, retaining wartime identities can sometimes serve as a valuable source of (potential) patronage. With few other options for access to resources and opportunities, the core of the party membership has clung to its past as a means to both rally electoral support among the marginalized ex-combatant community and to get access to the long-awaited funds that were promised to them in the peace negotiations.
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| 35. |
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Violence in African elections : between democracy and Big Man politics
- 2018
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
- Multiparty elections have become the bellwether by which all democracies are judged, and the spread of these systems across Africa has been widely hailed as a sign of the continent’s progress towards stability and prosperity. But such elections bring their own challenges, particularly the often intense internecine violence following disputed results.While the consequences of such violence can be profound, undermining the legitimacy of the democratic process and in some cases plunging countries into civil war or renewed dictatorship, little is known about the causes.By mapping, analysing and comparing instances of election violence in different localities across Africa – including Kenya, Ivory Coast and Uganda – this collection of detailed case studies sheds light on the underlying dynamics and sub-national causes behind electoral conflicts, revealing them to be the result of a complex interplay between democratisation and the older, patronage-based system of ‘Big Man’ politics.Essential for scholars and policymakers across the social sciences and humanities interested in democratization, peace-keeping and peace studies, Violence in African Elections provides important insights into why some communities prove more prone to electoral violence than others, offering practical suggestions for preventing violence through improved electoral monitoring, voter education, and international assistance.
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