| 1. |
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| 2. |
- Jönsson, Christer, et al.
(författare)
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Transnational Access: Findings and Future Research
- 2010
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Ingår i: Transnational Actors in Global Governance: Patterns, Explanations, and Implications. - 9780230239050 ; , s. 237-251
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The central findings of the volume are summarized under three principal themes: Patterns of transnational actor participation in international institutions; alternative explanations of these patterns; and consequences of involving transnational actors in global governance. Four dimensions, encompassing unanswered questions, are identified: formal vs. informal access; supply vs. demand; autonomy vs. dependence; and national vs. global.
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Aggestam, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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Förhandling och diplomati
- 2006
-
Ingår i: Internationell politik. - 9144045468
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 7. |
- Agné, Hans, et al.
(författare)
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Does stakeholder involvement foster democratic legitimacy in international organizations? An empirical assessment of a normative theory
- 2015
-
Ingår i: The Review of International Organizations. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1559-7431 .- 1559-744X. ; 10:4, s. 465-488
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The involvement of non-state organizations in global governance is widely seen as an important step toward global democracy. Proponents of "stakeholder democracy" argue that stakeholder organizations, such as civil society groups and other non-state actors, may represent people significantly affected by global decisions better than elected governments. In this article we identify a particularly promising sociological variant of this argument, test it against new evidence from a large-scale survey among stakeholder organizations with varying levels of involvement in international organizations (IOs), and find that the suggested stakeholder mechanism for producing democratic legitimacy in global governance does not work. Stakeholder involvement is unproductive for democratic legitimacy in IOs as perceived by stakeholders themselves. We suggest alternative explanations of this finding and argue that empirical analysis is useful for adjudicating normative arguments on the viability of stakeholder democracy in global governance.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Bengtsson, Rikard, et al.
(författare)
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EG-domstolens politiska roll
- 1998
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Ingår i: Internationella Studier. - 0020-952X. ; :1
-
Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 11. |
- Bengtsson, Rikard, et al.
(författare)
-
Internationell politisk ekonomi
- 2014
-
Ingår i: Internationella relationer. - 9789144102801
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 12. |
- Bengtsson, Rikard, et al.
(författare)
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Internationell politisk ekonomi
- 2021. - 4
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Ingår i: Internationella relationer. - 9789144139463 ; , s. 336-356
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 13. |
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| 14. |
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| 15. |
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| 16. |
- Bexell, Magdalena, et al.
(författare)
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Audiences of De(Legitimation) in Global Governance
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Legitimacy in Global Governance. : Sources, Processes, and Consequences - Sources, Processes, and Consequences. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780198826873 ; , s. 119-133
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter identifies types of audiences at which legitimation and delegitimation practices are directed in global governance. The concept of “audience” steers attention to processes of communication between those who seek to shape legitimacy perceptions and those whose perceptions would be shaped. (De)legitimation practices may have different implications for different audiences, and the chapter suggests that audiences play an active part in the performance of (de)legitimation in global governance. Two distinctions are introduced for classifying relationships between global governance institutions and the multitude of actors that may hold legitimacy beliefs about them, namely between constituencies and observers and between targeted and self-appointed audiences. Such categories can be used for the purpose of studying patterns and variation in legitimacy beliefs across actors.
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| 17. |
- Bexell, Magdalena, et al.
(författare)
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Democracy in Global Governance : The Promises and Pitfalls of Transnational Actors
- 2010
-
Ingår i: Global Governance. - 1075-2846 .- 1942-6720. ; 16:1, s. 81-101
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The participation of transnational actors in global policymaking is increasingly seen as a means to democratize global governance. Drawing on alternative theories of democracy and existing empirical evidence, we assess the promises and pitfalls of this vision. We explore how the structuring and operation of international institutions, public-private partnerships, and transnational actors themselves may facilitate expanded participation and enhanced accountability in global governance. We find considerable support for an optimistic verdict on the democratizing potential of transnational actor involvement, but also identify hurdles in democratic theory and the practice of global governance that motivate a more cautious outlook. In conclusion, we call for research that explores the conditions for democracy in global governance through a combination of normative political theory and positive empirical research.
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| 18. |
- Björkdahl, Annika, et al.
(författare)
-
Förenta Nationerna
- 2006
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Ingår i: Internationella Relationer.
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 19. |
- Blomdahl, Mikael, 1970-
(författare)
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The Political Use of Force : Beyond National Security Considerations as a Source of American Foreign Policy
- 2008
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In addressing the question of what explains the tendency of the presidents of the United States to use military force on many occasions to solve international problems the realist perspective has been strongly dominant in political science. This study sets out to address and challenge whether what may be called realist privilege still qualifies as an understanding of this American phenomenon. The key research question is to investigate whether or not the understanding of the U.S. use of force can be reduced to international factors solely. This study presents the argument that perspectives or theories that do not consider and cover domestic political processes and factors in their explanations must be regarded as incomplete. Two frameworks based on realism and domestic politics are developed and used in order to answer why U.S. presidents use military force at the international level. The author applies a decision-making approach derived from foreign policy analysis in order to compare and examine the U.S. missile actions against Libya in 1986, Iraq in 1993 and Sudan and Afghanistan in 1998. This study finds clear support for the significance of domestic political factors for the understanding of the U.S. use of force. This work concludes that since domestic political factors matter, even at times of heightened concern about national security, this contradicts and poses a serious challenge to realists’ assumptions regarding the motives of states. When using a decision-making approach that opens the so-called black box, the book demonstrates that domestic political factors, such as the U.S. Congress and American public constrain presidents when authorizing the use of force. To reduce the understanding of the U.S. use of force to international factors solely is, therefore, to overlook significant contributions from the U.S. domestic political context as a source of the presidential use of force.
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Bäckstrand, Karin, et al.
(författare)
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Global miljöpolitik
- 2006
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Ingår i: Internationella relationer.
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 22. |
- Daléus, Pär, 1979-
(författare)
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Politisk ledarskapsstil : Om interaktionen mellan personlighet och institutioner i utövandet av det svenska statsministerämbetet
- 2012
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation examines key characteristics and factors shaping the leadership style of Swedish Prime Ministers (PMs). Based on the research of the American presidency, an interactionist framework is developed which draws upon institutional theory and political psychological theory. The analysis is advanced by exploring multiple sources and is based on four cases of leadership styles: two single party Social Democratic PMs, Ingvar Carlsson and Göran Persson, as well as two center/right coalition PMs, Thorbjörn Fälldin and Carl Bildt. Leadership style is studied through a focused comparison of the PMs’ performance of four functions. Thus, the four PMs are studied as staffers and organizers of the cabinet and the Government Offices, decision makers, communicators and crisis managers. The results indicate that the office of the PM is elastic, accommodating a wide-ranging variation of leadership styles. The Social Democratic PMs display the most uniform leadership styles, but, rather surprisingly, they also have the most dissimilar leadership styles among the four cases. The center/right PMs’ approaches differ to a great extent from one another, displaying mixed forms of leadership styles. The analysis explains how the PMs’ leadership styles are shaped based on the interaction between their distinct personal characteristics and surrounding institutions. Thus, the dissertation concludes that leadership theories developed in a presidential setting are largely applicable in a parliamentary setting and that political behavior is not dictated by institutions such as formal structures or norms. The results encourage a reassessment of how personality, as an explanatory factor, is applied in mainstream political science. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the need for reconsidering the presidentialisation thesis and the notion of dominant leadership as there are alternative pathways to prime ministerial influence which are disregarded in the debate.
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| 23. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Advocacy Strategies in Global Governance : Inside versus Outside Lobbying
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Political Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0032-3217 .- 1467-9248. ; 65:3, s. 705-723
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- As political authority shifts to the global level, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) increasingly attempt to influence policy-making within international organisations (IOs). This article examines the nature and sources of non-governmental organisations’ advocacy strategies in global governance. We advance a twofold theoretical argument. First, non-governmental organisation advocacy can be described in terms of inside and outside strategies, similar to interest group lobbying in American and European politics. Second, non-governmental organisations’ chosen combination of inside and outside strategies can be explained by their organisational goals and membership base. Empirically, this argument is corroborated through a large-n analysis of original data from structured interviews with 303 non-governmental organisation representatives active in relation to the United Nations (UN), complemented by 19 semi-structured interviews with UN and state officials. The article’s findings have implications for the theory and practice of non-governmental organisation involvement in global governance.
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| 24. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
-
Citizens, Elites, and the Legitimacy of Global Governance
- 2022
-
Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- Contemporary society has witnessed major growth in global governance, yet the legitimacy of global governance remains deeply in question. This book offers the first full comparative investigation of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. Empirically, it provides a comprehensive analysis of public and elite opinion toward global governance, building on two uniquely coordinated surveys covering multiple countries and international organizations. Theoretically, it develops an individual-level approach, exploring how a person’s characteristics in respect of socioeconomic status, political values, geographical identification, and domestic institutional trust shape legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. The book’s central findings are threefold. First, there is a notable and general elite–citizen gap in legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. While elites on average hold moderately high levels of legitimacy toward international organizations, the general public is decidedly more skeptical. Second, individual-level differences in interests, values, identities, and trust dispositions provide significant drivers of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs toward global governance, as well as the gap between the two groups. Most important on the whole are differences in the extent to which citizens and elites trust domestic political institutions, which shape how these groups assess the legitimacy of international organizations. Third, both patterns and sources of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs vary across organizations and countries. These variations suggest that institutional and societal contexts condition attitudes toward global governance. The book’s findings shed light on future opportunities and constraints in international cooperation, suggesting that current levels of legitimacy point neither to a general crisis of global governance nor to a general readiness for its expansion.
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| 25. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
-
Elite Communication and the Popular Legitimacy of International Organizations
- 2021
-
Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 51:3, s. 1292-1313
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of the effects of elite communication on citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Departing from cueing theory, it develops novel hypotheses about the effects of elite communication under the specific conditions of global governance. It tests these hypotheses by conducting a population-based survey experiment among almost 10,000 residents of three countries in relation to five IOs. The evidence suggests four principal findings. First, communication by national governments and civil society organizations has stronger effects on legitimacy perceptions than communication by IOs themselves. Secondly, elite communication affects legitimacy perceptions irrespective of whether it invokes IOs’ procedures or performance as grounds for criticism or endorsement. Thirdly, negative messages are more effective than positive messages in shaping citizens' legitimacy perceptions. Fourthly, comparing across IOs indicates that elite communication is more often effective in relation to the IMF, NAFTA and WTO, than the EU and UN.
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| 26. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, et al.
(författare)
-
Institutional sources of legitimacy for international organisations : Beyond procedure versus performance
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105 .- 1469-9044. ; 45:4, s. 627-646
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article addresses a significant gap in the literature on legitimacy in global governance, exploring whether, in what ways, and to what extent institutional qualities of international organisations (IOs) matter for popular legitimacy beliefs towards these bodies. The study assesses the causal significance of procedure and performance as sources of legitimacy, unpacks these dimensions into specific institutional qualities, and offers a comparative analysis across IOs in three issue areas of global governance. Theoretically, the article disaggregates institutional sources of legitimacy to consider democratic, technocratic, and fair qualities of procedure and performance. Empirically, it examines the effects of these institutional qualities through a population-based survey experiment in four countries in different world regions with respect to IOs in economic, security, and climate governance. The findings demonstrate that both procedure- and performance-related aspects of IO policymaking matter for popular legitimacy beliefs. This result holds across democratic, technocratic, and fair qualities of IO procedure and performance. Disaggregating the results by issue area indicates that a broader scope of institutional qualities are important for legitimacy beliefs in economic governance compared to security governance and, especially, climate governance. These findings suggest that propositions to reduce the institutional sources of IO legitimacy to single specific qualities would be misguided.
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| 27. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
-
The social legitimacy of international organisations : Interest representation, institutional performance, and confidence extrapolation in the United Nations
- 2015
-
Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105 .- 1469-9044. ; 41:3, s. 451-475
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Social legitimacy is central to the effectiveness of international organisations (IOs). Yet, so far, we have little systematic knowledge about what drives citizens to support or oppose IOs. In this article, we isolate and assess three alternative explanations of social legiti- macy in global governance, privileging interest representation, institutional performance, and confidence extrapolation. We test these theories in a multilevel analysis of citizen confidence in the United Nations (UN) using World Values Survey and European Values Study data, sup- plemented by contextual measures. The results grant support to the arguments that institu- tional performance and confidence extrapolation shape popular confidence in the UN, while offering little support for the explanation of interest representation. These findings challenge the predominant understanding that more democratic procedures lead to greater social legitimacy for IOs. Instead, the UN case suggests that the social legitimacy of IOs is based primarily on the organisations’ capacity to deliver, as well as on citizens’ general confidence in political institutions, which IOs may have little to do with and can do little to change.
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| 28. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
-
Why national and international legitimacy beliefs are linked : Social trust as an antecedent factor
- 2020
-
Ingår i: The Review of International Organizations. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1559-7431 .- 1559-744X. ; 15:2, s. 311-337
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Recent public opinion research has established an empirical regularity of unusual stability and strength: citizen beliefs in the legitimacy of national and international institutions are highly linked. The dominant interpretation of this link holds that citizens draw on their perceptions of national institutions as a heuristic when forming opinions about international institutions. This article proposes an alternative mechanism, privileging social trust as an antecedent factor contributing to both national and international legitimacy beliefs. Using original survey data on citizen attitudes toward four international institutions in three countries, the article provides evidence for social trust as an antecedent factor, while granting no support for the dominant interpretation. The article suggests three broader implications: social trust has more far-reaching consequences for international cooperation than previously understood; political efforts to affect the legitimacy of international institutions are constrained by individual predispositions; and a comparative approach is central to the study of public attitudes toward international institutions.
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| 29. |
|
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| 30. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
-
The Elite-Citizen Gap in International Organization Legitimacy
- 2022
-
Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 116:1, s. 283-300
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Scholars and policy makers debate whether elites and citizens hold different views of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Until now, sparse data has limited our ability to establish such gaps and to formulate theories for explaining them. This article offers the first systematic comparative analysis of elite and citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of IOs. It examines legitimacy beliefs toward six key IOs, drawing on uniquely coordinated survey evidence from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the United States. We find a notable elite-citizen gap for all six IOs, four of the five countries, and all of six different elite types. Developing an individual-level approach to legitimacy beliefs, we argue that this gap is driven by systematic differences between elites and citizens in characteristics that matter for attitudes toward IOs. Our findings suggest that deep-seated differences between elites and general publics may present major challenges for democratic and effective international cooperation.
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
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| 33. |
- Fioretos, Orfeo, et al.
(författare)
-
Politics and Theory of Global Governance
- 2020
-
Ingår i: International Theory. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 1752-9719 .- 1752-9727. ; 13:1, s. 99-111
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- At a point when global governance appears to be at a crossroad, caught between globalizing and national populist forces, International Relations theorists are deeply immersed in debating what brought the world to this point. This contribution enlists Michael Zürn'sA Theory of Global Governance(2018) to explore the state of global governance theory through a focus on three substantive themes: authority, legitimacy, and contestation in global governance. It identifies the current state of theorizing on each theme, situates Zürn's claims within these literatures, and previews counterpoints from a variety of theoretical perspectives.
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| 34. |
-
Från storslagna visioner till professionell bedömning : Om barndom, utbildning och styrning
- 2010
-
Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- I denna antologi presenteras ett axplock av pågående forskning vid enheten Barn-Unga-Samhälle (BUS) inom Lärarutbildningen vid Malmö högskola. Antologin belyser en utbildningshistorisk förskjutning från visionärt arbete och tilltro om en bättre framtid via uppfostran och utbildning, till en ökad oro för framtiden i en global konkurrens. Styrning och kontroll av barndom och utbildning, via exempelvis dokumentation, bedömning och utvärdering, blir allt mer framträdande, både nationellt och internationellt. Antologin vänder sig till alla som är intresserade av frågor om barndom och utbildning ur ett samhällsperspektiv.
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| 35. |
- Galaz, Victor, et al.
(författare)
-
Global Governance Dimensions of Globally Networked Risks : The State of the Art in Social Science Research
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Risk, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy. - : Wiley. - 1944-4079. ; 8:1, s. 4-27
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Global risks are now increasingly being perceived as networked, and likely to result in large-scale, propagating failures and crises that transgress national boundaries and societal sectors. These so called globally networked risks pose fundamental challenges to global governance institutions. A growing literature explores the nature of these globally networked or systemic risks. While this research has taught us much about the anatomy of these risks, it has consistently failed to integrate insights from the wider social sciences. This is problematic since the prescriptions that result from these efforts flow from naive assumptions about the way real-world state and non-state actors behave in the international arena. This leaves serious gaps in our understanding of whether networked environmental risks at all can be governed. The following essay brings together decades of research by different disciplines in the social sciences, and identifies five multi-disciplinary key insights that can inform global approaches to governing these. These insights include the influence of international institutions; the dynamics and effect of international norms and legal mechanisms; the need for international institutions to cope with transboundary and cross-sectoral crises; the role of innovation as a strategy to handle unpredictable global risks; and the necessity to address legitimacy issues.
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| 36. |
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| 37. |
- Gustavsson, Jakob, et al.
(författare)
-
Utrikespolitiskt beslutsfattande
- 2006
-
Ingår i: Internationella relationer. - 9144045468 ; , s. 255-274
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 38. |
- Hall, Martin, et al.
(författare)
-
Realism
- 2006
-
Ingår i: Internationella Relationer. - 9144045468
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 39. |
- Hede Skagerlind, Helena, 1984-
(författare)
-
Governing Development : The Millennium Development Goals and Gender Policy Change in Sub-Saharan Africa
- 2019
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Recent decades have witnessed an upsurge in the use of different forms of global performance assessments as a means to influence the behavior of states. Within the area of international development, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) reinforced the practice of development governance through global performance indicators (GPIs) and gained considerable agenda-setting power among the international development community. Yet, knowledge about the goals’ effectiveness in re-steering domestic policy as well as their mechanisms of influence has remained limited. This study provides a theoretical and empirical account of the workings and effectiveness of GPIs as an increasingly pervasive model of development governance. Focusing on MDG 3, intended to promote gender equality, the study uses a mixed-methods design and draws on international relations (IR) theories of international norms and domestic change to explore the extent and mechanisms of domestic gender policy adjustment. It does so by 1) comprehensively mapping MDG 3-related gender policy output across several policy dimensions in 15 Sub-Saharan African countries over the entire MDG period (2000-2015), and 2) employing process-tracing to assess the explanatory power of four different causal mechanisms of GPI influence – economic conditionality, social influence, rational learning, and persuasion – in the two country cases of Kenya and Ethiopia.The thesis presents three central findings. First, it demonstrates a significant and lasting gap between domestic MDG 3-related policy commitments and efforts to realize them, highlighting the risks of superficial GPI adjustment. Second, it shows that domestic adjustment to MDG 3 was driven primarily by the interaction of the two incentive-based causal mechanisms of GPI influence, namely economic conditionality and social influence, both of which were enabled by the intense MDG monitoring and reporting. Third, the finding of material and social incentives as the decisive triggers of domestic change, and of the limited MDG 3 socialization among government actors, helps explain why gender policy implementation was modest and characterized by continued resistance and contestation domestically. The results indicate that development GPIs can be effective tools for redefining domestic policy target-setting in developing countries and thus risk undermining national policy ownership and reinforcing North-South power hierarchies. Nevertheless, when policy change predominantly is incentive-driven, it might ultimately be unsustainable since policy is likely to be re-altered as new targets or priorities are introduced, irrespective of whether actual change has been achieved or not. The thesis makes an empirical and theoretical contribution to the IR literature on the role and power of performance assessments in global governance. The findings have important implications for research and practice pertaining to the use and effectiveness of global performance assessments, the international promotion of gender equality, and – crucially – the implementation of the current global development agenda with its the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
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| 40. |
- Higham, Ian, 1989-
(författare)
-
Explaining Early Adoption : National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights
- 2021
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Diffusion of innovations theory concerns the process by which innovations are communicated through the members of a social system. Previous research has shed significant light on how public policies diffuse across governments over time, but there is little understanding of why they diffuse. The answer may lie in the motivations of early adopters. When governments are the first to adopt policy innovations, they lack knowledge about the political, economic, and other costs of adopting the policy. Given the potential risks, it is not obvious why a government would want to be the first to adopt a policy innovation. This thesis investigates the question of what explains early adoption of policy innovations. It contributes to the international relations literature on policy diffusion by proposing a theoretical framework for studying early adoption that consists of four motivations: 1) Normative – the government adopts a policy because of a normative position on a particular objective; 2) Reputation – the government seeks to improve its image or garner legitimacy in the international community; 3) Competition – the government seeks to gain a competitive edge on other states in “races to the top”; and 4) Domestic lock-in – the government adopts a policy to “tie the hands” of future national governments.The thesis has an empirical focus on public policies for regulating corporations on human rights issues: National Action Plans on business and human rights (NAPs). These plans are national governments’ strategies for implementing the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), a set of global policy norms that provide guidance for states and corporations on addressing the human rights impacts of business. As this field is largely neglected by political scientists, the thesis makes an additional empirical contribution to the burgeoning interdisciplinary literature on business and human rights. The theoretical framework is applied in a two-step, mixed-methods research design that includes a global mapping of NAPs and hypothesis testing. The thesis then presents three sets of comparative case studies: Colombia/Ecuador, United States/Canada, and France/Sweden. In the first four case studies, the theoretical framework is used to compare early adopters and laggards. In the final case study chapter, two early adopters are compared to determine whether there is potential to explain variation within the adopter category.The findings lead to several conclusions. First, normative commitment can provide a strong motivation for early adoption, and domestic actors are particularly important for shaping a government’s normative preferences. Second, governments with concerns about their international reputations are more likely to be early adopters, especially if reputation gains are linked to a reward. Third, governments act strategically to trigger races to the top, especially when they are more economically powerful. They thus adopt particular styles of regulation early to influence the style of regulation adopted elsewhere. Fourth, the desire to lock a policy in place domestically is an especially powerful motivation for early adoption, although it is not essential. Governments may seek to lock policies in place both in advance of imminent political loss and in the wake of domestic political strife. Finally, interactions between these motivations may give them more explanatory power and may explain the relative stringency of the policy adopted. Reputational concerns and the desire to lock policies in place are especially mutually reinforcing.
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
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| 43. |
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| 44. |
- Jacobs, Alan M., et al.
(författare)
-
The Qualitative Transparency Deliberations : Insights and Implications
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Perspectives on Politics. - 1537-5927 .- 1541-0986. ; 19:1, s. 171-208
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In recent years, a variety of efforts have been made in political science to enable, encourage, or require scholars to be more open and explicit about the bases of their empirical claims and, in turn, make those claims more readily evaluable by others. While qualitative scholars have long taken an interest in making their research open, reflexive, and systematic, the recent push for overarching transparency norms and requirements has provoked serious concern within qualitative research communities and raised fundamental questions about the meaning, value, costs, and intellectual relevance of transparency for qualitative inquiry. In this Perspectives Reflection, we crystallize the central findings of a three-year deliberative process-the Qualitative Transparency Deliberations (QTD)-involving hundreds of political scientists in a broad discussion of these issues. Following an overview of the process and the key insights that emerged, we present summaries of the QTD Working Groups' final reports. Drawing on a series of public, online conversations that unfolded at www.qualtd.net, the reports unpack transparency's promise, practicalities, risks, and limitations in relation to different qualitative methodologies, forms of evidence, and research contexts. Taken as a whole, these reports-the full versions of which can be found in the Supplementary Materials-offer practical guidance to scholars designing and implementing qualitative research, and to editors, reviewers, and funders seeking to develop criteria of evaluation that are appropriate-as understood by relevant research communities-to the forms of inquiry being assessed. We dedicate this Reflection to the memory of our coauthor and QTD working group leader Kendra Koivu.(1)
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| 45. |
- Johansson, Karl Magnus, et al.
(författare)
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Explaining Chief Executive Empowerment : EU Summitry and Domestic Institutional Change
- 2010
-
Ingår i: West European Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0140-2382 .- 1743-9655. ; 33:2, s. 208-236
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article questions the claim that the way German governments have responded to Muslim demands for accommodating Islam fits a German national model. The empirical focus is on Islamic religious instruction in five German Lander. The evidence presented shows that there is not one but several German models. Lander with Christian Democratic dominance were more supportive of confessional religious instruction than Lander where the left was stronger. At the same time Christian Democrats initially were more reluctant to extend the privilege of religious instruction to Muslim groups. In Lander where Article 7 III of the German constitution applied, corporatist hurdles were an obstacle for Muslim groups, but this was less the case in Berlin. Religion-state institutions are important for understanding how European countries have dealt with the growing presence of Islam, but it is equally important to understand the politically contested nature of these institutions.
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| 46. |
- Johansson, Karl Magnus, et al.
(författare)
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Explaining Chief Executive Empowerment: : European Union Summitry and Domestic Institutional Change
- 2010
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Ingår i: West European Politics. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0140-2382 .- 1743-9655. ; 33:2, s. 208-236
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- One of the most prominent trends in the organisation of European parliamentary democracies is the empowerment of chief executives. This article submits that an important reason contributing to this development is summit decision-making in the European Union, which requires states to confer additional authority, discretion and resources on chief executives. The effects are long-term shifts in the domestic institutional balance of power between the executive and the legislature, as well as within the executive branch. The explanatory power of this argument is tested through a case study of chief executive empowerment in Sweden, as well as comparative qualitative evidence from a broader set of European states. The findings carry implications for research on the presidentialisation of politics, the domestic implications of international cooperation, and the Europeanisation of EU member countries.
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| 47. |
- Jönsson, Christer, et al.
(författare)
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Capturing the Transnational: A Conceptual History
- 2010
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Ingår i: Transnational Actors in Global Governance: Patterns, Explanations, and Implications. - 9780230239050 ; , s. 22-44
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The chapter traces the origin and development of a set of interconnected concepts used to capture the transnational. In addition to the adjective "transnational," these include "non-governmental organizations," "global civil society" and "networks."
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| 48. |
- Jönsson, Christer, et al.
(författare)
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Compliance and Post-Agreement Bargaining
- 1998
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Ingår i: European Journal of International Relations. - 1460-3713. ; 4:4, s. 371-408
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Most literature on international cooperation focuses on the phase leading up to the signing of a treaty, while neglecting the dynamics of bargaining in the aftermath of an international agreement. Reviewing existing literature, we find that bargaining theory deals almost exclusively with the pre-agreement phase and that the enforcement and management schools in the study of compliance are predominantly static in their orientation. We present a framework for analyzing the dynamics of compliance bargaining - which can be understood as a process of bargaining between the signatories to an agreement already concluded, or between the signatories and the international institution governing the agreement, which pertains to the terms and obligations of this agreement - and explore compliance bargaining in the EU in light of this framework. Specifically, the EU case illustrates third-party, as opposed to self-help, enforcement and points to sources of bargaining power in compliance bargaining.
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| 49. |
- Jönsson, Christer, et al.
(författare)
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Compliance and Post-Agreement Bargaining
- 1998
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Ingår i: European Journal of International Relations. - 1354-0661 .- 1460-3713.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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| 50. |
- Jönsson, Christer, et al.
(författare)
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Institutional theory in international relations
- 2008
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Ingår i: Debating institutionalism. - 9780719076787 ; , s. 86-114
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The chapter traces the emergence of institutional approaches in International Relations (IR) theory, outlines three important areas of research on international institutions (sovereignty, international regimes and the EU), and suggests promising directions for future research. The review demonstrates that rational choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and normative institutionalism, as developed in the study of domestic institutions, have constituted sources of inspiration in IR theory.
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