| 1. |
- Ahlskog, Rafael, 1987-
(författare)
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Essays on the collective action dilemma of vaccination
- 2017
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Vaccines famously possess positive externalities that make them susceptible to the collective action dilemma: when I get vaccinated, I protect not only myself, but also those who I might otherwise have infected. Thus, some people will have an incentive to free ride on the immunity of others. In a population of rational agents, the critical level of vaccination uptake required for herd immunity will therefore be difficult to attain in the long run, which poses difficulties for disease eradication.In this doctoral dissertation, I explore different implications of the collective action dilemma of vaccination, and different ways of ameliorating it. First: given that coercion or force could solve the dilemma, and democracies may be less likely to engage in policies that violate the physical integrity of citizens, democracies may also be at a disadvantage compared to non-democracies when securing herd immunity. In essay I, I show that this is, empirically, indeed the case. Barring the use of extensive coercion therefore necessitates other solutions.In essay II, I highlight the exception to individual rationality found in other-regarding motivations such as altruism. Our moral psychology has likely evolved to take other's welfare into account, but the extent of our prosocial motivations vary: a wider form of altruism that encompasses not just family or friends, but strangers, is likely to give way to a more narrow form when humans pair-bond and have children. This dynamic is shown to apply to the sentiments underlying vaccination behavior as well: appeals to the welfare of society of getting vaccinated have positive effects on vaccination propensity, but this effect disappears in people with families and children. On this demographic, appeals to the welfare of close loved ones instead appears to have large effects.In essay III, I investigate whether the prosocial motivations underlying vaccination behavior are liable to be affected by motivation crowding - that is, whether they are crowded out when introducing economic incentives to get vaccinated. I find that on average, economic incentives do not have adverse effects, but for a small minority of highly prosocially motivated people, they might.
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| 2. |
- Berg, Heléne, et al.
(författare)
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Post-WWI Military Disarmament and Interwar Fascism : Evidence from Sweden
- 2016
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. By contrast, economic hard times, as captured by local poverty and the size of the tax base, seem to have little connection with such parties. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.
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| 3. |
- Berg, Heléne, et al.
(författare)
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Post-WWI military disarmament and interwar fascism in Sweden
- 2019
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Ingår i: Historical Methods. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0161-5440 .- 1940-1906. ; 52:1, s. 37-56
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The emergence of anti-democratic movements is a central puzzle to social science. We study a novel and rich historical dataset covering Swedish municipalities during the interwar years and find a strong link between the presence of a military garrison and the emergence of fascist parties. We interpret these results as suggesting that fascist mobilization in Sweden was driven by discontent with the process of disarmament brought about by democratization. In contrast, poor economic conditions, as captured both by levels of and changes in the local poverty rate and tax base, do not explain the strong link between the fascists and military garrisons. We relate these results to influential theories of democratization.
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| 4. |
- Bäck, Hanna, et al.
(författare)
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Does European Integration Lead to a 'Presidentialization' of Executive Politics? : Ministerial Selection in Swedish Postwar Cabinets
- 2009
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Ingår i: European Union Politics. - London : SAGE Publications. - 1465-1165 .- 1741-2757. ; 10:2, s. 226-252
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, we address recent claims that executive legislative relations in parliamentary democracies are undergoing important changes owing to either a 'presidentialization' or a 'Europeanization' of domestic political systems. Therefore, we test empirically whether parliamentary democracies are indeed experiencing changes in executive-legislative relations and whether these developments can, in part, be explained by an increase in European integration. Using data on ministerial selection in Swedish cabinets during the years 1952-2006, we find that there appears to be a slight tendency towards 'presidentialization', which is indicated by a decrease in ministers with a parliamentary background being appointed, and that there exists some support for the notion that Sweden's political and economic integration into the European Union is part of the explanation for this change.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
- Dancygier, Rafaela, et al.
(författare)
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Candidate Supply Is Not a Barrier to Immigrant Representation : A Case-Control Study
- 2021
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Ingår i: American Journal of Political Science. - : Wiley. - 0092-5853 .- 1540-5907. ; 65:3, s. 683-698
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Immigrants are underrepresented in most democratic parliaments. To explain the immigrant-native representation gap, existing research emphasizes party gatekeepers and structural conditions. But a more complete account must consider the possibility that the representation gap begins at the supply stage. Are immigrants simply less interested in elected office? To test this explanation, we carried out an innovative case-control survey in Sweden. We surveyed elected politicians, candidates for local office, and residents who have not run; stratified these samples by immigrant status; and linked all respondents to local political opportunity structures. We find that differences in political ambition, interest, and efficacy do not help explain immigrants' underrepresentation. Instead, the major hurdles lie in securing a candidate nomination and being placed on an electable list position. We conclude that there is a sufficient supply of potential immigrant candidates, but immigrants' ambition is thwarted by political elites.
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| 9. |
- Dancygier, Rafaela, et al.
(författare)
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Emigration and radical right populism
- 2024
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Ingår i: American Journal of Political Science. - 0092-5853 .- 1540-5907.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- An extensive literature links the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties to immigration. We argue that another demographic trend is also significant: emigration. The departure of citizens due to internal and international emigration is a major phenomenon affecting elections via two complementary mechanisms. Emigration alters the composition of electorates, but also changes the preferences of the left behind. Empirically, we establish a positive correlation between PRR vote shares and net-migration loss at the subnational level across Europe. A more fine-grained panel analysis of precincts in Sweden demonstrates that the departure of citizens raises PRR vote shares in places of emigration and that the Social Democrats are the principal losers from emigration. Elite interviews and newspaper analyses explore how emigration produces material and psychological grievances on which populists capitalize and that established parties do not effectively address. Emigration and the frustrations it generates emerge as important sources of populist success.
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| 10. |
- Dancygier, Rafaela M., et al.
(författare)
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Why Are Immigrants Underrepresented in Politics? Evidence from Sweden
- 2015
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Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 109:4, s. 703-724
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Widespread and persistent political underrepresentation of immigrant-origin minorities poses deep challenges to democratic practice and norms. What accounts for this underrepresentation? Two types of competing explanations are prevalent in the literature: accounts that base minority underrepresentation on individual-level resources and accounts that emphasize political opportunity structures. However, due to the lack of data suitable for testing these explanations, existing research has not been able to adjudicate between these theories. Using registry-based microdata covering the entire Swedish adult population between 1991 and 2010 our study is the first to empirically evaluate these alternative explanations. We examine election outcomes to municipal councils over the course of six elections and find that variation in individual-level resources cannot explain immigrants' underrepresentation. Further, when comparing immigrants and natives who face comparable political opportunity structures a large representation gap remains. Instead, we argue that discrimination by party gatekeepers plays a more significant role in perpetuating the underrepresentation of immigrants than do individual resources or structural variables.
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| 11. |
- Dancygier, Rafaela, et al.
(författare)
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Representationsgapet
- 2017
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Ingår i: Valdeltagande och representation. - : Delmi. - 9789188021236
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 12. |
- Ekholm, Kalle, et al.
(författare)
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Do Populist Radical Right Parties Represent the Views of their Voters? Evidence from Sweden
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Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- According to influential accounts, the rise of populist radical right parties is attributable to a “crisis of representation” that stems from mainstream parties’ failure to represent the views of voters on key political issues. We argue that this claim should be approached empirically by studying the degree of opinion congruence between politicians and voters. Using detailed Swedish data, we find that the views of those who vote for radical right parties are not unique in being poorly matched to those of politicians from the traditional/mainstream parties. Moreover, these voters are not much better matched to their populist radical right representatives, than they are to representatives of the main traditional conservative parties. In fact, the only issue on which radical right parties seem to fill a representational gap is on the issue of immigration. We conclude that our study provides little support for the narrative in the “crisis of representation” literature.
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| 13. |
- Ekholm, Kalle, 1989-
(författare)
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Radical Right Success - Shaped by the Mainstream?
- 2022
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Radical right parties have changed the political landscape throughout Europe. These parties are challenging the very idea of a modern and liberal European continent. Scholars, and society as a whole, have tried to understand the success of this party family for decades. In this dissertation I argue that we need to analyze not only the number of votes radical right parties receive on election day in order to assess their success. In addition to electoral performance, success of the radical right is in this dissertation defined as sympathy among voters, policy impact and representational ability. In addition to adopting a broader definition of what determines success I argue that mainstream parties play a vital role in shaping the trajectory of radical right parties. Following this notion, an overarching argument in this dissertation is that the interaction between the radical right and mainstream parties is vital to take into consideration order to understand and explain the success of the former. This interaction, and how it shapes radical right success, is studied in different ways in the four articles. The first study looks at how mainstream party signaling affects voter sympathy towards the Sweden Democrats. By using an experimental design, the results suggest that when mainstream parties signal that they are willing to cooperate with a radical right party they challenge societal norms thus making people more likely to sympathize with the radical right party. The second study focuses on if and how mainstream parties facilitate the radical right through their positioning on the issue most closely related to the radical right, immigration. This study finds that mainstream right parties play a key role in this interaction. When mainstream right parties support a stricter immigration policy, voters are more likely to support the radical right. The third article studies the policy impact of the radical right. By studying municipal refugee reception in Sweden this article finds that radical right parties have impacted policy both directly and indirectly. The fourth study is concerned with the role of radical right parties in our representative democracy. This article finds that voters who support the radical right are poorly represented by mainstream parties, in terms of opinion congruence. Radical right parties, on the other hand, are only more congruent with these voters on the issue of immigration. In sum, this dissertation shows that if we truly want to understand the success of the radical right, we have to incorporate the mainstream in the analysis.
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| 14. |
- Eriksson, Lina M., et al.
(författare)
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Let Me Be the Judge : Ideology, Identity, and Judicial Selection
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Experimental Political Science. - 2052-2630 .- 2052-2649. ; 10:2, s. 221-230
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A substantial body of research has found biased recruitment in a variety of societal spheres. We study selection in the judiciary, a domain that has received less attention than the economic and political spheres. Our field experiment took place in the midst of a Swedish government campaign encouraging ordinary citizens to contact local parties, which are responsible for recruiting lay judges (jurors) and put themselves forward as lay judge candidates. Parties’ responsiveness to citizen requests does not seem to favor their own sympathizers, does not vary at all with signals of gender, and is only marginally affected by ethnicity and age. Given the potential importance of ideology and identity in judicial decision-making, the finding that there is little bias with respect to these factors at this first stage of the recruitment process is reassuring from the perspective of impartiality.
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| 15. |
- Eriksson, Lina M., 1978-, et al.
(författare)
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Let Me Be the Judge : Ideology, Identity, and Judicial Selection
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Experimental Political Science. - : Cambridge University Press. - 2052-2630 .- 2052-2649. ; 10:2, s. 221-230
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- A substantial body of research has found biased recruitment in a variety of societal spheres. We study selection in the judiciary, a domain that has received less attention than the economic and political spheres. Our field experiment took place in the midst of a Swedish government campaign encouraging ordinary citizens to contact local parties, which are responsible for recruiting lay judges (jurors) and put themselves forward as lay judge candidates. Parties’ responsiveness to citizen requests does not seem to favor their own sympathizers, does not vary at all with signals of gender, and is only marginally affected by ethnicity and age. Given the potential importance of ideology and identity in judicial decision-making, the finding that there is little bias with respect to these factors at this first stage of the recruitment process is reassuring from the perspective of impartiality.
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| 16. |
- Eriksson, Lina M., 1978-
(författare)
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Natural Disasters and National Election : On the 2004 Indian Ocean Boxing Day Tsunami, the 2005 Storm Gudrun and the 2006 Historic Regime Shift
- 2017
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The 2006 Swedish parliamentary election was a historic election with the largest bloc transfer of voters in Swedish history. The 2002-2006 incumbent Social Democratic Party (S) received its lowest voter support since 1914 as roughly 150,000, or 8%, of the 2002 S voters went to the main opposition, the conservative Moderate Party (M). This became the most decisive factor in ousting S from power after 12 years of rule. As a result, the M-led Alliance (A) with the People's Party (FP), the Center Party (C), and the Christian Democrats (KD) won the election. Natural Disasters and National Election makes the novel contribution of proposing two natural disasters, the Indian Ocean’s 2004 Boxing Day Tsunami and 2005 Storm Gudrun (Erwin), which struck only two weeks following the tsunami, as major events that impacted government popularity in the 2006 election and contributed to the redistribution of voter support, within and across party-blocs. The core findings from this thesis show that the S government’s poor crisis response to Gudrun, which is the hitherto most costly natural disaster in Swedish history, alone has an estimated effect of a magnitude that likely contributed to the 2006 historic regime shift, while the tsunami also seems to have mattered. The tsunami is particularly interesting, as S’s poor international crisis response to the event constitutes the first natural disaster situation to knowingly have affected an election on the other side of the planet. Moreover, to some degree voters recognized the active opposition by C as effective representation and rewarded the party for its strong stance on the poor handling of both events by S. In fact, the active voice of C concerning these disasters likely helped move the party from the periphery of party politics to becoming the third-largest party in Swedish politics. In sum, this research investigates accountability and effective party representation via retrospective voting, which is an essential mechanism for the legitimacy of democracy. Findings suggest that the average Swedish voter indeed may be voting retrospectively to hold publically elected officials accountable, which suggest a healthy status of the retrospective voting mechanism and Swedish democracy.
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| 17. |
- Eriksson, Lina M., 1978-, et al.
(författare)
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Welcome to the Party? Ethnicity and the Interaction between Potential Activists and Party Gate-Keepers
- 2021
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Ingår i: Journal of Politics. - : University of Chicago Press. - 0022-3816 .- 1468-2508. ; 83:4, s. 1861-1866
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In modern democracies, political parties are the vehicles through which new groups gain political entry. Are parties equally welcoming to all new activists, irrespective of their ethnicity? In a field experiment, we study the responsiveness of local party officials in Sweden who are being contacted by fictitious individuals who want to become active in the party. We find that party officials are more likely to respond, and give informative answers that use a warmer and more welcoming tone, when they are being contacted by an individual with a Swedish name than by an individual with an Arabic name. These discriminatory effects are mainly found when contacting parties on the rightmost end of the political spectrum but are unaffected by appeals to electoral gain, common ideology, and norms of democratic inclusion. Given the importance of parties as gateways into politics, our findings have troubling implications for equal representation.
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| 18. |
- Erlingsson, Gissur Ó, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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The single-issue party thesis and the Sweden Democrats
- 2014
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Ingår i: Acta Politica. - : Palgrave Macmillan. - 0001-6810 .- 1741-1416. ; 49:2, s. 196-216
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- When commenting on the European radical right, the term ‘single-issue party’ is frequently bandied about. We survey the various conceptualizations of the term and then apply them to the Sweden Democrats (SD), a party with roots in extremist subcultures that gained parliamentary representation in the 2010 elections. In the empirical analysis, we draw primarily on a unique survey of all parliamentary candidates to study: (i) the SD candidates’ positions on a large number of diverse issues, (ii) what issues they prioritize and (iii) the degree of ideological cohesion among their candidates. Secondarily, certain voter characteristics associated with the single-issue party concept are surveyed. Here, we use a large-scale exit poll to study: (i) SD voters’ demographic characteristics and (ii) what issues they prioritize. Throughout, the other main Swedish parties serve as points of comparison. Against what is commonly claimed, we find that the single-issue party label fits the SD poorly.
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| 19. |
- Finseraas, Henning, et al.
(författare)
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A mixed blessing for the left? Early voting, turnout and election outcomes in Norway
- 2014
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 33, s. 278-291
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Is there a relationship between turnout and election outcomes? Although this is a classic topic in political science, most studies on multiparty systems have important theoretical and empirical shortcomings. First, we argue that the proper implication of the theoretical argument that underpins research on the turnout-vote nexus is that high levels of turnout should typically benefit both traditional social democratic parties andparties of the radical right relative to other types of parties, including not only those of the traditional right, but also ‘left-libertarian’ parties. Second, few have studied the relationship between turnout and election outcomes with a research design that is appropriate for causal inference. In our empirical study, our identification strategy is to exploit a Norwegian reform of early voting rules as an exogenous source of variation in turnout. Our theoretical expectations are largely borne out in our empirical results.
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| 20. |
- Finseraas, Henning, et al.
(författare)
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What parties are and what parties do : Partisanship and welfare state reform in an era of austerity
- 2011
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Ingår i: Socio-Economic Review. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 1475-1461 .- 1475-147X. ; 9:4, s. 613-638
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The New Politics perspective holds that there is no room for partisanship to matter for welfare state policies in the present ‘era of austerity’. Proponents of power resources theory disagree. In this paper, we show how an emphasis on the actual degree of ideological polarization between left and right can move this debate forward. In essence, the disagreement regarding the role of partisanship is (a) over the degree of party polarization, (b) whether party polarization on redistributive issues still mobilizes voters to vote in accordance with their economic interest and (c) whether political parties are able to make their ideologies count in the post-electoral arena. Combining data from three comparative data sources, we show (a) that there is no general decline in party polarization, (b) that high levels of party polarization are associated with stronger income stratification of the vote and (c) partisan ideology matters for changes in welfare state generosity.
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
- Hermansson, Jörgen, et al.
(författare)
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Regeringsombildningar och statsrådskarriärer
- 2010
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Ingår i: Regeringsmakten i Sverige. - Stockholm : SNS. - 9789186203627 ; , s. 143-175
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 23. |
- Håfström Dehdari, Sirus, 1983-, et al.
(författare)
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Early voting can widen the turnout gap : The case of childbirth
- 2024
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 90
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Early voting procedures boost voter participation and have therefore been suggested as institutional remedies for the problem of unequal turnout. Scholars have, however, raised concerns that making voting more convenient may actually lead to a less representative electorate. We contribute to this debate by leveraging large-scale Swedish registry data to analyze persons expecting a child around the time of the election. Our results indicate that politically engaged high-status voters are more likely to use the opportunity to vote in advance when faced with the risk of not being able to vote on election day. Given the large number of obstacles to election-day voting that individuals face throughout life, it is therefore conceivable that efforts to make voting more convenient and less costly for citizens may in the end lead to less representative electorates.
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| 24. |
- Håfström Dehdari, Sirus, 1983-, et al.
(författare)
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The Ex-Factor : Examining the Gendered Effect of Divorce on Voter Turnout
- 2022
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Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 116:4, s. 1293-1308
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The absence of a gendered analysis of the effect of marriage on voting is surprising given researchers’ cognizance of the heterogeneous effects of marriage on a range of other social outcomes. In this paper, we shed new light on spousal dependency by studying the gendered effect of marital disruption, in the form of divorce, on voter turnout. First, drawing on Swedish populationwide data, we use the differential timing of divorces in relation to general elections to generate more credible estimates of the causal effect of divorce on turnout. Second, although we find that both sexes are adversely affected by divorce, we show that the effect is much more pronounced for men. Specifically, the long-term effect is almost twice as large for men. Finally, we use these data to show that the gendered effect of divorce is mainly driven by asymmetrical spousal mobilization due to higher levels of turnout among women.
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| 25. |
- Håfström Dehdari, Sirus, 1983-, et al.
(författare)
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The Ex-Factor : Examining the Gendered Effect of Divorce on Voter Turnout
- 2022
-
Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - : Cambridge University Press. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 116:4, s. 1293-1308
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The absence of a gendered analysis of the effect of marriage on voting is surprising given researchers’ cognizance of the heterogeneous effects of marriage on a range of other social outcomes. In this paper, we shed new light on spousal dependency by studying the gendered effect of marital disruption, in the form of divorce, on voter turnout. First, drawing on Swedish populationwide data, we use the differential timing of divorces in relation to general elections to generate more credible estimates of the causal effect of divorce on turnout. Second, although we find that both sexes are adversely affected by divorce, we show that the effect is much more pronounced for men. Specifically, the long-term effect is almost twice as large for men. Finally, we use these data to show that the gendered effect of divorce is mainly driven by asymmetrical spousal mobilization due to higher levels of turnout among women.
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| 26. |
- Lajevardi, Nazita, et al.
(författare)
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Do Minorities Feel Welcome in Politics? A Cross-Cultural Study of the United States and Sweden
- 2024
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Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Racial and ethnic minorities are underrepresented in most Western democracies. This article investigates one potential root cause behind this pattern: minority and majority citizens might expect to feel discriminated against if they enter politics. Using data from three large-scale surveys, we find that minorities in both the United States and Sweden are less likely to expect to feel welcome than the majority population. These discrepancies in expected discrimination persist, even after controlling for other factors. Moreover, expected discrimination is not without political consequences: those who expect to feel less welcome are less likely to indicate an interest in running for political office. Finally, these results do not differ for politically engaged citizens who constitute a more realistic pool of potential candidates. We conclude by discussing what expectations of discrimination can tell us about the fairness of the political system and how these attitudes shape political ambition among minorities.
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| 27. |
- Lajevardi, Nazita, et al.
(författare)
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The empowerment effect of visible political representation : Examining the impact of Muslim representation on political outcomes
- 2024
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 87, s. 102741-102741
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Previous studies have found an ‘empowerment effect’ of minority representation, but often face a difficult methodological obstacle: any observed correlation between visible political leadership by marginalized groups and political engagement of its members may be due to reverse causation or unaccounted-for confounders. We use a novel video-vignette design and conduct two pre-registered survey experiments to test if visible political leadership of Muslims affects American Muslims’ and non-Muslims’ political engagement. In both studies, Muslim and non-Muslim respondents randomized into the inclusive treatment judged the political system to be more fair and legitimate. Treated Muslim participants also showed slightly more positive attitudes towards prospective political participation and political candidacy. These findings suggest that the visible representation of underrepresented groups can have outcomes beneficial to inclusion and democracy, and that increasing the political visibility of one group does not necessarily harm the legitimacy perceived by members of another group.
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| 28. |
- Lajevardi, Nazita, et al.
(författare)
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Välrepresenterade, välkomna och uppdragsvilliga? : Uppfattningar om gruppers politiska representation 2021
- 2022
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Ingår i: Du sköra nya värld. - Göteborg : SOM-institutet. - 9789189673526 ; , s. 497-509
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- I de flesta europeiska länder är såväl kvinnor som individer med utländsk bakgrund underrepresenterade i politiken, dvs. andelen kvinnor och individer med utländsk bakgrund är lägre bland de folkvalda än vad den är i befolkningen som helhet. Forskningen har föreslagit en rad olika förklaringar till dessa så kallade representationsgap. En förklaring som förts fram är att det saknas en medvetenhet om att gapen förekommer, och att de därför inte åtgärdas. En annan möjlig förklaring är att exkluderande normer påverkar partiernas arbete med att rekrytera kandidater till politiska uppdrag. En tredje förklaring i litteraturen är att vissa grupper av olika skäl är mindre intresserade av att bli politiker. I det här kapitlet belyser vi frågan om grupprepresentation genom att analysera tre frågor i 2021 års nationella SOM-undersökning. Vilka grupper tror medborgarna är under- respektive överrepresenterade i politiken? Finns det enligt medborgarna sociala normer som innebär att vissa grupper är mindre välkomna i politiken än andra? Till sist, hänger individers intresse för att ta politiska uppdrag samman med deras grupptillhörighet?
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| 29. |
- Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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Om kvinnorepresentation och rätten till heltid
- 2007
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Ingår i: Kommunal ekonomi och politik. - Göteborg : Kommunforskning i Sverige. - 1402-8700. ; 11:4, s. 7-31
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Kommunernas dubbla roll som arbetsgivare och kanal för det politiska förverkligandet av sina invånares intressen gör dem till en ypperlig arena för att studera kvinnorepresentationens betydelse för kvinnors livsvillkor. Vi studerar politiska beslut att erbjuda alla kommunalt deltidsanställda heltid; beslut som framförallt gynnar kvinnor som grupp och som fattats i flera kommuner under senare år. Till skillnad från tidigare kvantitativa studier analyserar vi om kvinnorepresentation får större effekt när den innebär att kvinnor återfinns på högre, snarare än lägre, politiska poster. Våra empiriska resultat bekräftar att skillnader i förekomsten av heltidsbeslut kan hänföras till skillnader i kvinnorepresentation, men att detta samband framförallt återfinns då man ser till kvinnorepresentation på högre politiska poster.
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| 30. |
- Lindgren, Karl-Oskar, et al.
(författare)
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The electoral impact of the financial crisis : Evidence using district-level data
- 2016
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Ingår i: Electoral Studies. - : Elsevier BV. - 0261-3794 .- 1873-6890. ; 44, s. 214-224
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Do economic downturns increase voter support for left or right parties? In our empirical analysis, we combine fine-grained registry-data on the labor market impact of the crisis and how it varied across 5000 electoral districts, with district-level data on vote-shares for all major parties in Swedish parliamentary elections before and after the crisis. Because the impact was so diverse across districts, we can estimate the electoral impact of unemployment more efficiently than usual. Moreover, because the crisis was an external and unexpected shock to the Swedish economy, we argue that the selection bias that is usually inherent in estimating the electoral impact of unemployment is mitigated. We find that the electoral impact of crisis-induced unemployment was large, benefiting right parties.
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
- Nyman, Pär, 1984-
(författare)
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Austerity Politics : Is the Electorate Responsible?
- 2016
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis contributes to the public finance literature concerned with fiscal sustainability, and consists of an introduction and four stand-alone essays. The first three essays analyse the reasons why governments accumulate large levels of debt. In the first essay, I find that parties that implement fiscal consolidations are punished by the voters in the following election. However, there does not appear to be a rewarding effect for governments that implement fiscal expansions. The second essay, which is co-authored with Rafael Ahlskog, shows how voter opposition to fiscal consolidation is shaped by moral considerations and feelings of personal responsibility. More precisely, we argue that voters are more likely to refuse fiscal consolidation when they do not feel responsible for the public debt. The third essay argues that misperceptions about the business cycle would have caused fiscal problems even if policy-making was conducted by independent experts. According to my estimates, biased projections have weakened annual budget balances by approximately one per cent of GDP. In the fourth essay, I argue that budgetary mechanisms created to improve fiscal discipline have a bias toward a reduced public sector. Because discretionary decisions are usually required to adjust public expenditures to price and wage increases, periods of rapid growth have repeatedly caused the welfare state to shrink. I use the introduction to discuss the commonalities between the essays and to situate the field of public finance in a broader, historical context.
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| 33. |
- Persson, Thomas, 1969-, et al.
(författare)
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European integration and prime ministerial power : an interrupted time-series study of cabinet reshuffles
- 2007
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Many have suggested that the deepening integration of the EU has had a profound impact on the power of the Prime Ministers of its member states. We study two cases that, for both practical and theoretical reasons, are unusually suitable for the systematic and quantitative testing of such claims: The Swedish 1996-2006 government led by PM Göran Persson and the British 1997-2007 government led by PM Tony Blair. In particular, we use an interrupted time-series design and the tools of survival analysis to study the impact of the Amsterdam Treaty on an indicator of Prime Ministerial power utilized in the comparative literature on parliamentary government: The frequency with which ministers are moved around, or out of, a cabinet. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that European integration does have a differential impact on Prime Ministerial power; and with the widespread view that the Amsterdam Treaty shifted power away from national governmental actors to other European- and national-level actors.
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| 34. |
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| 35. |
- Persson, Thomas, 1969-, et al.
(författare)
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Presidentialized executive politics : the effect of European integration in the Swedish case
- 2007
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In this paper, we address recent claims that (1) European parliamentary democracies are undergoing a process of "presidentialization", and (2) that these developments can, in part, be explained by EU integration. Using data on ministerial selection and deselection in Swedish cabinets during the years 1952-2006, we find that (1) there appears to be a slight tendency towards "presidentialization", and (2) there exists some preliminary support for the notion that Sweden's economic integration into the EU is part of the explanation for this.
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| 36. |
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| 37. |
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| 38. |
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| 39. |
- Vernby, Kåre, et al.
(författare)
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Can immigrants counteract employer discrimination? A factorial field experiment reveals the immutability of ethnic hierarchies
- 2019
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Ingår i: PLOS ONE. - : Public Library of Science (PLoS). - 1932-6203. ; 14:7
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How pervasive is labor market discrimination against immigrants and what options do policymakers and migrants have to reduce it? To answer these questions, we conducted a field experiment on employer discrimination in Sweden. Going beyond existing work, we test for a large range of applicant characteristics using a factorial design. We examine whether migrants can affect their employment chances by adopting citizenship, acquiring work experience, or signaling religious practice or whether fixed traits such as country of birth or gender are more consequential. We find little systematic evidence that immigrants can do much to reduce discrimination. Rather, ethnic hierarchies are critical: callback rates decline precipitously with the degree of ethno-cultural distance, leaving Iraqis and Somalis, especially if they are male, with much reduced employment chances. These findings highlight that immigrants have few tools at their disposal to escape ethnic penalties and that efforts to reduce discrimination must address employer prejudice.
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| 40. |
- Vernby, Kåre
(författare)
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Classes, Sectors and Political Cleavages
- 2005
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Ingår i: Power and Institutions in Industrial Relation Regimes: Political Science Perspectives on the Transition of the Swedish Model.
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
- Vernby, Kåre, 1974-
(författare)
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Essays in Political Economy
- 2006
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.
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| 43. |
- Vernby, Kåre, et al.
(författare)
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Har parlamentarismen varit oss till gagn?
- 2010
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Ingår i: Regeringsmakten i Sverige. - Stockholm : SNS. - 9789186203627 ; , s. 176-198
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 44. |
- Vernby, Kåre
(författare)
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Inclusion and Public Policy : Evidence from Sweden’s Introduction of Noncitizen Suffrage
- 2012
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Ingår i: American Journal of Political Science. - Hoboken : Wiley-Blackwell. - 0092-5853 .- 1540-5907. ; 57:1, s. 15-19
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The largest disenfranchised group in modern democracies is international migrants who lack citizenship of their country of residence. Despite that noncitizen suffrage has been introduced in some countries and has been the subject of vigorous public debate in many others, there have been no systematic attempts to investigate its policy consequences. Drawing on standard models of political competition, I argue that there will be a selection bias inherent in estimating the impact of noncitizen suffrage on public policy and analyze data that are uniquely suitable to deal with this methodological problem, namely data on exogenous changes in the composition of the electorates of Swedish municipalities generated by the introduction of noncitizen suffrage. According to the results, the effect of enfranchising noncitizens on public policy was large, causing spending on education and social and family services to increase substantially in municipalities where noncitizens made up a nonnegligible share of the electorate.
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| 45. |
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| 46. |
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| 47. |
- Vernby, Kåre
(författare)
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Strikes are more common in countries with majoritarian electoral systems
- 2007
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Ingår i: Public Choice. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0048-5829 .- 1573-7101. ; 132:1-2, s. 65-84
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Strikes are more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (SMD) than in those where it is elected by proportional representation (PR). Furthermore, more working days are lost due to industrial conflict in countries with SMD. I suggest a politico-economic explanation for these rarely noticed empirical regularities. Further empirical testing -- including controls drawn from previous strike research -- reveals that they hold up in a variety of econometric specifications.
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| 48. |
- Vernby, Kåre, et al.
(författare)
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Xenophobia and Left Voting
- 2010
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Ingår i: Politics & Society. - : SAGE Publications. - 0032-3292 .- 1552-7514. ; 38:4, s. 490-516
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article, the authors set out to evaluate two competing mechanisms that may account for the negative relationship between xenophobia and left voting. Xenophobia may reduce left voting because parties of the right are more conservative on issues relating to immigration and ethnic relations (the policy-bundling effect), or it may reduce left voting because many potential left voters lack sympathy with the groups to whom redistribution is thought to be directed (the anti-solidarity effect). These two mechanisms imply radically different scenarios for political competition. Using a multilevel modeling approach, the authors analyze the data compiled in fifteen different surveys carried out in ten Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries between 1990 and 2000. This study is the first to draw out the implications of these mechanisms for left voting and to subject them to empirical scrutiny in a large-scale comparative study. The results are consistent with the existence of a relatively strong policy-bundling effect; by contrast, the anti-solidarity effect is trivial in most of the surveys analyzed.
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| 49. |
- Wejryd, Johan, 1978-
(författare)
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On Consumed Democracy : The Expansion of Consumer Choice, Its Causal Effects on Political Engagement, and Its Implications for Democracy
- 2018
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This is a thesis about expansions of consumer choice, their causal effects on political engagement, and the democratic implications that follow. For material and ideological reasons alike, consumer choices have expanded over the last decades and are likely to become even more present in citizens’ lives in the future. Scholars’ appraisal of this expansion of consumer choice ranges from, on the one hand, seeing it as a threat to active citizenship to, on the other hand, celebrating it as inherently democratic.The thesis accepts the assumed democratic potential of consumer choice as a means for conveying legitimate political preferences and affecting political outcomes. Yet the introduction shows that, from the perspective of normative democratic theory, citizens’ consumer choices are under most circumstances democratically inferior to civic engagement that addresses formal political decision-making. It is thus a pressing question whether there actually are elements in consumer choices that reduce citizens’ inclination to engage in conventional forms of political participation. This empirical question is addressed in the three essays.The essays tap the effects of consumer choices in different contexts, such as parents’ school choices for their children (Essay I), consumer choices that interact with citizens’ political motivations, i.e. “political consumption,” (Essay II), and consumer choices regarding plainly private consumer goods (Essay III). All the three essays account for causality and do so by means of experimental designs. In addition, the essays are similar in that their results point in the same direction: expansions of consumer choice reduce citizens’ willingness to conventional political participation.Given the democratic significance of conventional participation and the pervasiveness of consumer choice, the results are important both from a scholarly perspective and from a broader societal perspective. The results cast new light on a wide range of issues about the extension of consumer choices and their presence in citizens’ lives, including e.g. decisions about user choice in welfare services and advertising regulation. This thesis does by no means end the discussion about such policies, but demonstrates the significance of a certain outlook: issues about the extension of consumer choice are issues about democratic values.
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| 50. |
- Zugic, Ognjen, 1991-
(författare)
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Labor market segmentation and the politics of investment and compensation
- 2024
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation investigates patterns of policy reform that relate to labor market segmentation. It does so through two interrelated research questions. The first question aims to understand what policies are theoretically relevant for a regime-based model of labor market segmentation and how these policy regimes have empirically evolved over time in rich European democracies. The theoretical approach argues that previous studies have a narrow policy focus. Previous literature studies policy-based dualization primarily through how governments regulate the labor market status of standard and atypical workers through employment regulations. Some literature also incorporates active labor market policy (ALMP) or unemployment compensation as a way to include pro-outsider policy into models of policy-based segmentation. This thesis argues that current policy models of segmentation fall short of capturing the full scope of how government economic strategy approaches segmentation. Primarily, they do not represent governments’ efforts to either avoid segmentation by investing in a skilled insider workforce or compensating the effects of segmentation through outsider-targeted welfare tools. To integrate investment and compensation as policy dimensions alongside the literature’s focus on regulation, the dissertation incorporates tertiary education and minimum income benefits alongside employment regulations and labor market policy in a labor market policy regime. The second research question addresses the politics of these reform trajectories, asking why reforms were undertaken and what made them successful. Because the beneficiaries of higher education and minimum income benefits are politically diffuse, it develops an explanatory account of reform based on the role of political coalition-building in broader political processes that help secure reform coalitions for policies where beneficiaries are not concentrated labor market constituencies. The dissertation contrasts this theoretical account against two influential explanatory theories, one based on electoral politics and the other on economic interests. In the second and third chapters, the dissertation uses a descriptive strategy to investigate the first research question by investigating policy developments in sixteen rich European democracies combined with a deeper investigation into policy changes in Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands. It shows that a focus on regulations and labor market policy underestimates the variety of strategies governments take to intervene in the balance and outcomes of typical and atypical labor market participants. The chapters identify two empirical policy trajectories. One invests more in a skilled insider workforce but compensates outsider employment less; another invests less but uses more targeted welfare benefits to compensate for atypical employment outcomes. This variation occurs within similar trajectories of employment regulation and labor market policy.This dissertation’s fourth and fifth chapters use qualitative material to investigate influential reform processes in tertiary education and minimum income benefits in Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands. These chapters show that decisions are made in the context of labor market concerns and that where they benefitted diffuse constituencies, decisions to invest in insiders or compensate outsiders were a part of broader reform processes. The findings illustrate patterns of party and economic coalitions that deviate from predictions made by other explanatory accounts.
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