| 1. |
- Holgersson, Ulrika, et al.
(författare)
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Kampen, utveckling och framtiden för demokratin : en inledning
- 2018
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Ingår i: Rösträttens århundrade : kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige - kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige. - 9789170612688 ; , s. 16-25
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Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 2. |
- Agerberg, Mattias, 1986, et al.
(författare)
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Gender aspects of government auditing.
- 2018
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Ingår i: Gender and corruption. Historical roots and new avenues for research.. - : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783319709284
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
- Ahlbäck Öberg, Shirin, 1964-, et al.
(författare)
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Exit riksdagen
- 2007
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Varför lämnar riksdagspolitiker sina uppdrag? Har avhoppen blivit vanligare? Hur påverkar detta riksdagens arbete och politikens utformning?I den här boken argumenterar författarna för att avhoppen indikerar en genomgripande förändring av svensk demokrati. Från att under lång tid ha kännetecknats av att vara en utpräglad partidemokrati, håller Sverige på att omvandlas till en ublikdemokrati. Utmärkande för publikdemokratin är att den befolkas av den politiske entrprenören som politikertyp. Den politiska entreprenören ser som sin uppgift att bryta ny mark - och har, till skillnad från den trogna partiarbetaren, en egen agenda.
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| 5. |
- Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al.
(författare)
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Does female representation reduce all forms of corruption?
- 2016
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Ingår i: European Consortium of Political Research.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Are women less corrupt than men? While recent research suggests that women are less likely to be involved in corruption than men and that a higher share of women elected tends to be inversely related to the level of corruption, most dominant approaches focus on the scale of the corruption problem, i.e. how much corruption there is, rather than its vastly different forms. This paper suggests that gender differences can be better explained if we distinguish between different forms of corruption. Building on a distinction developed by Bauhr (2012; 2016) between need corruption (corruption to gain access to “fair” treatment) and greed corruption (corruption to gain access to special illicit advantages), we suggest that women are more likely than men to perceive greed corruption as prevalent in society and to mobilize against greed corruption once they attain public office. Women condemn greed corruption in part because women are typically excluded from participation in this particular form of corruption, since opaque and collusive networks, rather than open transactions and extortion drive greed corruption. Women are therefore more likely to be excluded from the short-term individual benefits of greed corruption, and more likely to experience its long-term detrimental effects on public service delivery. Our argument is supported by a preliminary analysis using new regional level data across European countries.
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| 6. |
- Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al.
(författare)
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Exclusion or interests? Why females in elected office reduce petty and grand corruption
- 2019
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research. - : Wiley. - 0304-4130 .- 1475-6765. ; 58:4, s. 1043-1065
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Disappointed by the numerous failures of anticorruption reforms, international organisations, scholars and policy makers increasingly place their hopes on measures aimed at enhancing gender equality and in particular increasing the inclusion of female representatives in elected assemblies. Yet most studies to date focus on aggregate measures of corruption and fail to explain why the correlation between women's representation and levels of corruption occurs. Using newly collected regional-level, non-perception-based measures of corruption, this study distinguishes between different forms of corruption and shows that the inclusion of women in local councils is strongly negatively associated with the prevalence of both petty and grand forms of corruption. However, the reduction in corruption is primarily experienced among women. This suggests that female representatives seek to further two separate political agendas once they attain public office: the improvement of public service delivery in sectors that tend to primarily benefit women; and the breakup of male-dominated collusive networks.
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| 7. |
- Bauhr, Monika, 1973, et al.
(författare)
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Will Women’s Representation Reduce Bribery? Trends in Corruption and Public Service Delivery Across European Regions
- 2024
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Ingår i: Political Behavior. - 0190-9320. ; , s. 1-24
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While a growing body of work suggests that women representatives are less likely to be involved in corruption scandals, we know less about if changes in representation patterns also have implications for citizens’ first-hand experiences with corruption in public service delivery. This study suggests that women elected representatives reduce street level bribery, in particular when the share of women increases in contexts where relatively few women are elected or when the absolute increase in women’s representation is relatively large. Using newly collected data on the share of women in 128 regional level parliaments in 10 European countries and four rounds of the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey (2010–2021), our twoway fixed effects models show that on average, the proportion of women in regional parliaments is strongly associated with citizens’ self-reported experiences of bribery across all countries and years. Furthermore, our difference-in-difference design shows that the level of bribery in public service provision dropped more sharply in regions that experienced a greater absolute or greater marginal increase in women’s representation. Our results may be understood in light of women candidates placing priority on well-functioning and low corrupt public service provision and the important signals of inclusiveness, non-discrimination and decreased tolerance towards corruption that women’s representation conveys to civil servants.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Bertilsson, Monica, et al.
(författare)
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Association of stigmatizing attitudes with people's opinion of depression as a valid reason for sickness absence: A Swedish vignette study
- 2022
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Ingår i: WORK-A JOURNAL OF PREVENTION ASSESSMENT & REHABILITATION. - : IOS Press. - 1051-9815. ; 73:2, s. 495-504
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- BACKGROUND: Depression is a common cause of sickness absence (SA) and also highly associated with stigma. Few studies have addressed the role of stigma in relation to SA. OBJECTIVE: To investigate if attitudes to depression were associated with the public's opinion of depression as a valid reason of SA. METHODS: The study population (n = 2413) originated from a web-based panel of citizens. The survey included a short vignette describing a person with symptoms of depression and the person's work tasks, followed by a question on recommendation of SA. Negative attitudes were measured by the Depression Stigma Scale. Logistic regressions were used to estimate the odds ratios (OR) for the likelihood of not recommending SA, controlling for individual and work-related co-variates. RESULTS: The crude association between negative attitudes and not recommending SA was OR 2.15 (95% CI, 1.76-2.62). In the fully adjusted model the OR was 1.76 (95% CI, 1.40 - 2.21) for not recommending SA. CONCLUSIONS: Participants with negative attitudes to depression were more likely to not consider depression as a valid reason of sickness absence. The study supports theories on layered stigma; attitudes from one arena are related to other arenas. Future studies are needed to confirm our findings.
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| 11. |
- Bertilsson, Monica, et al.
(författare)
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”Det är den här rädslan att man ska få en stämpel på sig” - om stigmatisering i sjukskrivnings- och rehabiliteringsprocessen med fokus på vanliga psykiska sjukdomar.
- 2019
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Ingår i: Socialmedicinsk Tidskrift. - 0037-833X. ; 96:5, s. 702-715
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Det är väl känt att vanliga psykiska sjukdomar som till exempel depression och ångest omges av stigmatisering och negativa attityder, både i samhället och på arbetsplatser. Vi vet mindre när det gäller om och hur stigmatisering och negativa attityder påverkar i sjukskrivnings- och rehabiliteringsprocessen. Flera litteraturöversikter uppmanar dock både nyckelpersoner och forskare att ta hänsyn till detta när det gäller vanliga psykiska sjukdomar i just sjukskrivnings- och rehabiliteringsprocessen eftersom det kan leda till hinder, till exempel vid arbetsanpassning eller återgång i arbete. Baserat i litteratur och forskning, beskriver denna artikel översiktligt området stigmatisering och vanliga psykiska sjukdomar avgränsat till kontexten för sjukskrivnings- och rehabiliteringsprocessen.
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
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| 14. |
- Djerf-Pierre, Monika, 1961, et al.
(författare)
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Gender and Sociotropic Anxiety: Explaining Gender Differences in Anxiety to Social Risks and Threats
- 2016
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Ingår i: International journal of public opinion research. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 0954-2892 .- 1471-6909. ; 28:2, s. 217-240
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Drawing on a multidisciplinary approach to explore the causal links between gender and sociotropic anxiety, this article studies the characteristics and magnitude of gender differences in anxiety to a range of social risks and threats. Specifically, it tests whether gender differences with regard to perceived vulnerability, personality traits, ideology and values, and awareness (political interest and news media exposure) mediate the effect of gender by means of mediational regression analyses. The analysis also includes a test for acquiescence bias. Gender is found to be a significant predictor of an individual’s sociotropic anxiety. Vulnerability, personality traits, ideology and values, and awareness all mediate the effect of gender. A significant effect of gender remains even when all other mediating factors were taken into consideration.
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| 15. |
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| 16. |
- Djerf-Pierre, Monika, 1961, et al.
(författare)
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Mobilizing and numbing effects of anxiety
- 2015
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Ingår i: Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, September 2-5, 2015.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 17. |
- Djerf-Pierre, Monika, 1961, et al.
(författare)
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Människors oro och politikens ansvar
- 2011
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Ingår i: Lycksalighetens ö, Sören Holmberg, Lennart Weibull & Henrik Oscarsson (red). - Göteborg : SOM-institutet Göteborgs Universitet. - 9789189673212 ; , s. 163-180
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 18. |
- Djerf-Pierre, Monika, 1961, et al.
(författare)
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Politiska konsekvenser av personlig oro
- 2014
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Ingår i: Annika Bergström & Henrik Oscarsson (red.) Mittfåra & Marginal. - Göteborg : SOM-institutet. ; , s. 59-70
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
- Freidenvall, Lenita, 1963-
(författare)
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Vägen till Varannan damernas : Om kvinnorepresentation, kvotering och kandidaturval i svensk politik 1970-2002
- 2006
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this dissertation is to analyse women’s political representation in the Swedish parliament 1970-2002, a period during which the share of women parliamentarians increased from 14 to 45 percent, and to assess changes in party rules and party norms in terms of regulative and discursive continuity and change. Inspired by Carol Lee Bacchi’s “What’s the Problem? Approach,” with its focus on the construction of political problems rather than “the problem” as such, this dissertation studies how Swedish political parties have formulated the problem of women’s exclusion from parliamentary politics, what causes of women’s under representation they have identified and what solutions they have proposed. The dissertation also studies how party rules to increase the number of women have been implemented in the 2002 nomination process.The dissertation is based on party documents from the period 1970-2002, a national survey to all nomination committees in the parliamentary election in 2002 and 70 interviews with nomination committee members for three political parties in two electoral constituencies.The analysis shows how both party rules and party norms regarding women’s political representation have changed over time. The analysis also shows that the framing of women’s representation changed over time: from an optimistic view of historical development, gender equality as ‘equal opportunity’ and harmony between the sexes to a critical view on historical development and gender equality as ‘equality of results’. The analysis of the nomination process shows that gender is still a key issue in the composition of party lists but that the number of women on party lists in some parties is dependent on women gatekeepers on the nomination committees. It also shows that the ordering of the list is highly dependent on the candidate list from the previous election and that this order of succession also covers non-winnable seats.
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| 23. |
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| 24. |
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| 25. |
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| 26. |
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| 27. |
- Haraldsson, Amanda, et al.
(författare)
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The effect of media sexism on women's political ambition: evidence from a worldwide study.
- 2019
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Ingår i: Feminist Media Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1468-0777 .- 1471-5902. ; 19:4, s. 525-541
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This paper presents results from one of the first global studies on the relationship between media sexism and the share of candidates for the lower chamber of national parliaments who are women. Data on media sexism come from the Global Media Monitoring Project, the most reliable worldwide source for media coverage from a gender perspective. The data on share of female political candidates come from the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The results show that that there is, even when controlling for the number of women in parliament, electoral system, gender quotas, level of human development, level of women’s rights, freedom from corruption, and media access, a significant relationship between media sexism—measured as (i) the share of all news subjects that are women and (ii) the share of all news subjects portrayed in the function of experts who are women—and the share of women candidates for parliament: the higher the level of media sexism, the lower the share of women candidates. The theory discussed zooms in on a bystander effect: We hypothesize that sexist portrayals of women in the media stifle ambition among women who, in a less sexist media environment, would be willing to stand as political candidates.
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| 28. |
- Haraldsson, Amanda, et al.
(författare)
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The political recruitment of women: Why media matters
- 2019
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Ingår i: La participación ciudadana como pilar del estado democrático ed. Manuel Carrasco Durán & Blanca Rodríguez Ruiz. - : Thomson Reuters. - 9788413082783
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 29. |
- Hensing, Gunnel, 1956, et al.
(författare)
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Differences in how women and men in a Swedish population-based sample think about sick leave: A cross-sectional vignette study
- 2024
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Ingår i: WORK-A JOURNAL OF PREVENTION ASSESSMENT & REHABILITATION. - 1051-9815 .- 1875-9270. ; 77:3, s. 827-838
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- BACKGROUND: Gender differences in attitudes towards depression gives reason to believe that sociocultural gender norms play a role in other areas. OBJECTIVE: The aim was to test (i) if the likelihood to think that sick leave with depression symptoms is not reasonable varies between women and men, and (ii) if the likelihood to think sick leave is not reasonable varies depending on the gender of the individual with depression symptoms. METHODS: A study population of 3147 participants responded to a web-survey with a written case briefly describing a man or woman with symptoms of depression. Respondents were asked if they thought it is reasonable that the person was sick listed for two weeks. Logistic regression was used to analyse the data. RESULTS: After controlling for age, education, self-rated health, and respondent's own experience of sickness absence the adjusted OR was 1.45 (95% CI 1.25-1.67) for men being less likely to think sick-leave was reasonable. Gender difference decreased when adjusting for negative attitudes towards depression (adjusted OR 1.24, 95% CI 1.06-1.44). No difference was found between how women and men thought about sick leave in relation to the gender of the case described in the vignette. CONCLUSION: Men were more likely to think that sick leave was not reasonable with decreased OR after adjustment for negative attitudes towards depression. Gender norms might be part of the explanation for differences but are challenging to test. This study contributes to a bourgeoning research field on gendered attitudes and sick leave, in terms of theoretical reasoning and methodological choice.
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| 30. |
- Holgersson, Ulrika, et al.
(författare)
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Från tågresor till sociala medier : rösträttens mediehistoria
- 2018
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Ingår i: Rösträttens århundrade : kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige - kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige. - 9789170612688 ; , s. 102-127
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Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
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| 33. |
- Karlsson, David, 1974, et al.
(författare)
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Social representation i riksdagen
- 2018
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Ingår i: David Karlsson (red) Folkets främsta företrädare. - Göteborg : Göteborgs universitet. - 9789198454710 ; , s. 61-70
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 34. |
- Kokkonen, Andrej, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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Women's Presence in Politics and Male Politicians Commitment to Gender Equality in Politics: Evidence from 290 Swedish Local Councils
- 2017
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Ingår i: Journal of Women Politics & Policy. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1554-477X .- 1554-4788. ; 38:2, s. 199-220
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article provides the first comprehensive empirical test of how women's presence in politics affects male politicians' attitudes toward gender equality as an abstract ideal and their personal willingness to strive for women's interests. Using a unique survey of all 13,000 locally elected politicians in Sweden (response rate 63 percent), we find a negative association between a greater presence of women and male politicians' personal willingness to strive for women's interests. However, there is no such effect on male politicians' support for gender equality as an abstract ideal. We argue that the found pattern can likely be explained by the fact that it may be costly for male politicians to personally strive for women's interests, whereas it does not cost them anything to commit to gender equality as an abstract ideal.
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| 35. |
- Kubbe, Ina, et al.
(författare)
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THE EFFECT OF GENDER ON CORRUPTION. Sorting out explanations for gender differences with new experimental research
- 2019
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Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- An extensive literature demonstrates a relationship between gender and corruption, with women be-ing less involved in corrupt transactions than men. There are two major ways of explaining this cor-relation; one emphasizes differences between men and women in risk-aversion and the other differ-ences in pro-social behavior. However, whether there is support for these explanations is never di-rectly tested. We take advantage of one opportunity for gathering this evidence by replicating and extending a well-cited experimental study by Alatas et al. (2009). Through our extension of the Alatas et al. study, we were able to collect unique information on gender differences in rationalizations of experimental subjects’ behavior. The key finding is that we see significant gender differences in rea-sons for behavior: the results indicate risk-seeking behavior among men but not risk aversion among women. Instead, pro-social reasoning is apparent among women.
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| 36. |
- Löve, Jesper, 1974, et al.
(författare)
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Political Ideology and Stigmatizing Attitudes Toward Depression: The Swedish Case
- 2019
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Ingår i: International Journal of Health Policy and Management. - : Maad Rayan Publishing Company. - 2322-5939. ; 8:6, s. 365-374
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Stigmatizing attitudes toward persons with mental disorders is a well-established and global phenomenon often leading to discrimination and social exclusion. Although previous research in the United States showed that conservative ideology has been related to stigmatizing attitudes toward mental disorders, there is reason to believe that this mechanism plays a different role in the context of a universal welfare state with a multi-party system such as Sweden. Furthermore, “mental disorders” may signify severe psychotic disorders, which may evoke more negative attitudes. This suggests the importance of specific studies focusing on the more common phenomenon of depression. This paper investigates the relationship between political ideology and stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. Methods This study is part of the New Ways research program. Data were collected by the Laboratory of Opinion Research (LORE) at the University of Gothenburg in 2014 (N = 3246). Independent variables were political ideology and party affiliation. The dependent variable was the Depression Stigma Scale (DSS). Data were analyzed with linear regression analyses and analyses of variance. Results More conservative ideology (B = 0.68, standard error [SE] = 0.04, P < .001) and more conservative party affiliation (F(8 2920) = 38.45, P < .001) showed more stigmatizing attitudes toward depression. Item-level analyses revealed a difference where the supporters of the conservative party differed (P < .05) from supporters of the liberal party, with a higher proportion agreeing that “people could snap out of” depression if they wanted to; the populist right-wing party differed from the conservative party with a higher proportion agreeing on items displaying people with depression as “dangerous” and “unpredictable.” Even self-stigma was highest among the populist right-wing party with 22.3% agreeing that “if I had depression I wouldn’t tell….” Conclusion Political ideology was associated with stigmatizing attitudes toward depression in Sweden. The results also confirm the need to distinguish between different forms of conservatism by observing social distance as being a more important driver among voters for the populist right-wing party compared with personal agency and responsibility among voters for the more traditional conservative party.
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| 37. |
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| 38. |
- Markstedt, Elias, 1984, et al.
(författare)
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The subjective meaning of gender: how survey designs affect perceptions of femininity and masculinity
- 2021
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Ingår i: European Journal of Politics and Gender. - : Bristol University Press. - 2515-1088 .- 2515-1096. ; 4:1, s. 51-70
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The rationale for this study is that self-categorising rating scales are becoming increasingly popular in large-scale survey research moving beyond binary ways of measuring gender. We are referring here to the use of rating scales that are similar to graded scales capturing left–right or liberal–conservative political ideology, that is, scales that do not include predefinitions of the core concepts (femininity/masculinity, as compared to left/right or liberal/conservative). Yet, previous studies including such non-binary gender measures have paid little attention to potential effects of survey designs. Using an experimental set-up, we are able to show that sequencing of gender measurements influences the answers received. Men were especially affected by our treatments and rated themselves as significantly ‘less masculine’ when prompted to reason about the meaning of gender prior to self-categorisation on scales measuring degrees of femininity and masculinity. Moreover, self-categorising seems to trigger more biological understandings of gender than anticipated in theory.
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| 39. |
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| 40. |
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| 41. |
- Olofsdotter Stensöta, Helena, 1965, et al.
(författare)
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Gender and Corruption. The mediating Power of Institutional Logics
- 2015
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Ingår i: Governance. An International Journal of Policy, Administration and Institutions. - : Wiley. - 0952-1895 .- 1468-0491. ; 28:4, s. 475-496
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Scholars have argued that recruiting more women to office is an effective way to curb corruption; however, the more precise mechanisms underlying why this may be the case have remained unclear. We use meso-level theories to elaborate on the relationship and suggest that institutional logics mediate the effect of gendered experiences on corruption. We make two propositions: First, we suggest that the relationship between more women and lower levels of corruption is weaker in the state administration than in the legislative arena, because the bureaucratic administrative logic absorbs actors’ personal characteristics. Second, we refine our institutional argument by claiming that the stronger the bureaucratic principles are in the administration, the less gender matters. We validate our theory using data provided by the European Commission (EC) covering the EC countries and original data from the Quality of Government Institute Expert Surveys, covering a larger set of countries on a worldwide scale.
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| 42. |
- Olofsson, Magnus, et al.
(författare)
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Frihet med förhinder : Demonstrationer i Sverige 1849-1921
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Rösträttens århundrade : kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige - kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige. - 9789170612688 ; , s. 65-83
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 43. |
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| 44. |
- Rönnbäck, Josefin
(författare)
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Politikens genusgränser : Den kvinnliga rösträttsrörelsen och kampen för kvinnors politiska medborgarskap, 1902-1921
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis analyses Landsföreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt (‘The National Association for Women’s Franchise’, LKPR) and its struggle for women’s political rights in Sweden. The suffragists’ struggle is used as a “case study” for the purpose of uncovering the gender boundaries of politics, that is, what was possible in practice and what was considered suitable for men and women to do in politics in the early 20th century. The resistance and the various obstacles raised against women show that there were gender boundaries in politics that LKPR challenged and crossed by organizing women and making demands.With the aid of theory and empiricism the thesis problemises seemingly gender-neutral concepts such as ‘democracy’ and ‘citizenship’ and shows that they have been permeated by conceptions of gender. The thesis has been influenced by for example the democracy researcher Birte Siim and has studied the franchise association’s attitude to citizenship as status, practice and identity. Throughout the thesis, LKPR’s attitude to the male power order in society is discussed.The thesis describes how LKPR developed and how the association worked and argued in favour of women’s political rights. Even though there were many things that united the suffragists, there were also important differences of opinion. The issue of franchise brought the question of people’s right to influence and self-determination to a head, and the discussion showed that there were different opinions about how politics should be conducted and what politics should be about. The suffragists were for example not agreed on whether the association should work for political rights for everybody or only for some people. They also had different opinions about whether women should organise themselves separately or whether they should go in for joint organisation and cooperation with men. Not least did they have different opinions about what should be LKPR’s position as a party politically neutral women’s organisation vis-à-vis the male party system. LKPR’s orientation towards party politics both strengthened and weakened women as a group. Going in for adult education was however a strategy that most of them could support.The thesis also elucidates LKPR’s argumentation in favour of civil rights and shows that it was marked by three overarching ideologies, namely liberalism, maternalism and nationalism. These –isms were partly interwoven and show that LKPR wanted not only to change the form of politics, that is, the rules for how politics was exercised and by whom, but also the content of politics. LKPR also wanted the boundaries of politics to be moved so that more questions would become government issues.Citizenship was a key concept that in practice meant different things for women and men and the gender of politics varied depending on the context. The arena of municipal politics was first opened to women, and municipal politics was considered “more feminine” – while the county councils and the Swedish parliament were reserved for men and were considered “male” concerns. For a long time party politics was also regarded as a male domain, but this changed during the struggle for franchise. The fact that social policies were regarded as “feminine” was utilised by the suffragists to advance their positions.The thesis shows that franchise and eligibility were embedded in somewhat different gender and class structures. Not least did the issue of eligibility show that there were different opinions about who should devote themselves to politics and who could represent whom. Changes in gender politics also took place during the process of democratisation, and my study shows that the gender boundaries were not rigid. By acting on the level of municipal politics, taking part in election proceedings, and becoming members of party political organisations, the suffragists advanced the issue of women’s franchise and contributed to women obtaining political rights on the same conditions as men in 1919/21.
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| 45. |
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Rösträttens århundrade : kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige
- 2018
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Mellan 1918 och 1922 infördes allmän och lika rösträtt i Sverige. När riksdagen inleder sitt hundraårsfirande av rösträtten i december 2018 utkommer denna populärvetenskapliga forskarantologi med texter av statsvetare, historiker, ekonomhistoriker, medieforskare, genusvetare och konstvetare. I tre delar, om bakgrunden, utvecklingen under 1900-talet och framtiden, berättar författarna om processerna som ledde fram till riksdagsbesluten, om människorna som arbetade med rösträttsfrågan och om vilka utmaningar demokratin står inför i dag.
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| 46. |
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| 47. |
- Solevid, Maria, 1976, et al.
(författare)
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Gender gaps in political attitudes revisited: the conditional influence of non-binary gender on left–right ideology and GAL-TAN opinions
- 2021
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Ingår i: European Journal of Politics and Gender. ; 4:1
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Across surveys and regardless of controls, women in many Western countries are consistently more politically left-leaning than men. More recently, however, innovative measures of non-binary gender identity suggest important heterogeneity in political attitudes within the categories of ‘women’ and ‘men’. Building from this, we study the direct and conditional associations between sex and non-binary gender on two political attitude dimensions: (1) left–right ideology; and (2) green/alternative/liberal versus traditionalist/authoritarian/ nationalist opinions. Using a Swedish population-based survey from 2013, we find no evidence that political attitudes vary by non-binary gender identity alone, and only weak evidence that political attitudes vary by sex. However, supporting our conditional hypotheses, we find that gender (non)conformity matters significantly. Specifically, men with many masculine traits and women with many feminine traits stand more to the right and show more traditionalist/ authoritarian/nationalist opinions than men and women who are less gender conforming.
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| 48. |
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| 49. |
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| 50. |
- Stensöta, Helena, 1965, et al.
(författare)
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Kvinnor, män och makt. Politikens innehåll och positioner
- 2018
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Ingår i: Rösträttens århundrade. Kampen, utvecklingen och framtiden för demokratin i Sverige. - Göteborg : Makadam förlag. - 9789170612688
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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