| 1. |
- de Moor, Joost, et al.
(författare)
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New kids on the block: taking stock of the recent cycle of climate activism
- 2021
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Ingår i: Social Movement Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1474-2837 .- 1474-2829. ; 20:5, s. 619-625
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Since late 2018, a global wave of mobilization under the banners of Fridays For Future (FFF) and Extinction Rebellion (XR) has injected new energy into global climate politics. FFF and XR took the world by storm, but have now been forced into (partial) latency as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic. We believe this moment presents an opportunity for reflection. In particular, FFF and XR have been depicted as ‘new’ forms of climate activism. However, we argue that the extent to which these campaigns represent ‘new’ forms of climate activism is really a matter for closer investigation. In this Profile, we therefore reflect on the distinctiveness of the ‘new climate activism’ as compared to previous climate campaigns. Reviewing previous studies and our own research, we find that there are both elements of change and continuity in who participates and how, and that the main change appears to be the use of a more politically ‘neutral’ framing of climate change that is directed more strongly at state than non-state actors.
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| 2. |
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| 3. |
- Holgersson, Helena, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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A critical view of Gothenburg
- 2010
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Ingår i: (Re)searching Gothenburg: essays on a changing city. - Göteborg : Glänta produktion. - 9789186133207 ; , s. 7-26
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 4. |
- Holgersson, Helena, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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Trettiosju studier av en stad i förändring
- 2010
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Ingår i: Göteborg utforskat: studier av en stad i förändring. - Göteborg : Glänta Produktion. - 9789186133153 ; , s. 7-25
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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Political icon and role model: Dimensions of the perceived ‘Greta effect’ among climate activists as aspects of contemporary social movement leadership
- 2024
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Ingår i: Acta Sociologica. - : Sage Publications. - 0001-6993 .- 1502-3869. ; 67:3, s. 301-316
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The 2019 Fridays For Future global climate strikes were extraordinary protest mobilisations in many respects, both in terms of size, age composition and the absence of a specific external triggering event. To properly understand it, one must account for Greta Thunberg's leadership role in the mobilisation – the ‘Greta effect’. We contribute to such an account by linking the ‘Greta effect’ on individual mobilisation to theories of political iconicity and political role models. Empirically, we use unique data from two waves of international surveys of participants in European Fridays For Future protests – on 15 March and 20–27 September 2019 – demonstrating that the perceived individual impact of Greta differs considerably among those who were mobilised in climate strikes. Through multilevel regression analysis, we furthermore show that (a) young women were especially prone to have been inspired and mobilised by Thunberg as a role model and (b) subjectively assessed mobilising influence by ‘Greta’ – in her capacity as a political icon – is positively related to protest participants’ instrumental motivation, sense of solidarity and collective identity. We argue that our results contribute to a better understanding of informal social movement leadership in contemporary political mobilisations.
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
- Backman, Christel, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Hur värderar studenter lärarproducerade podcasts i relation till andra läraktiviteter?
- 2018
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Ingår i: NU2018 Det akademiska lärarskapet, 9-11 oktober, Västerås.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Inspirerade av teorier om att variation av läraktiviteter, s.k. blended learning, är bra för studenternas lärande (Laurillard 2012) har vi ökat antalet digitala inslag på en grundkurs i kriminologi. En form av digitala verktyg som vi har använt oss av är lärarproducerade podcasts. Huvudsyftet med att införa podcasts, i form av inspelade lärardiskussioner om kurslitteraturen, var att de skulle fördjupa, kontextualisera och tillgängliggöra kurslitteraturen för studenterna (jmf Drew 2017: 207f). Efter att ha introducerat det på vår kurs ville vi veta hur studenterna värderade lärarproducerade podcasts i relation till kursens andra läraktiviteter. Vi ville få vägledning i om vi skulle fortsätta använda oss av podcasts och vilka utvecklingsmöjligheter som i så fall fanns. Vi genomförde därför en enkätstudie hösten 2017 som vi kort kommer att redogöra för. Utöver resultat från enkätstudien diskuterar vi även studenternas synpunkter i fritextsvar och våra lärdomar av att använda podcast som läraktivitet. Vid enkättillfället var 57 studenter registrerade på kursen. Enkäten distribuerades via Sunet survey och studenternas gavs möjlighet att besvara enkäten under ett seminarietillfälle. Vid seminariet deltog 50 studenter varav totalt 46 svarade på enkäten. En klar majoritet (57–79 procent) ansåg att kursens podcasts hjälpte dem bra eller mycket bra med att få överblick och sammanhang, reda ut svåra begrepp, tillämpa teorier och motivera dem att lära sig mer om teorierna. Både när det gällde att reda ut svåra begrepp och att övergripande förstå kursinnehållet ansåg över 70 procent av studenterna att podcast-lyssnandet var till nytta. Podcast som läraktivitet stod sig också bra i relation till kursens övriga läraktiviteter, som t.ex. föreläsningar och seminarier. Mot bakgrund av resultaten ser vi att det i framtiden finns ett värde i att öka de icke-textbaserade inslagen i kursen. Vi ser också möjligheter att använda podcasts för att öka studentaktiviteten på kursen, t.ex. genom att vi som en del av våra podcastsavsnitt tilldelar studenter frågor och uppgifter att arbeta vidare med eller genom att bjuda in studenterna i produktionen av podcasts, som en form av läraktivitet och examination.
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| 9. |
- Backman, Christel, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Kursintroduktion som aktivt lärtillfälle
- 2018
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Ingår i: Symposium Rum för lärande, 8-9 oktober, Västerås.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Kan man organisera en traditionell kursintroduktion som ett studentaktivt moment i ALC-sal? Ja det kan man. I den här presentationen får deltagarna ta del av vårt arbete med en kursintroduktion till en grundkurs i kriminologi (30hp, 6+0 studenter). Deltagarna får göra valda delar av kursintroduktionen och prova några av övningarna som vi använder. Vi kommer även presentera hur vi tänkt kring upplägget och varför vi valt att hålla kursintroduktionen i ALC-sal. Avslutningsvis går vi igenom de erfarenheter som vi gjort: -Studenterna har i utvärderingarna sagt att det är första gången som det känts meningsfullt att delta i en kursintroduktion -Studenterna har lärt känna varandra och lärarna under kursintroduktionen -Det har känts betydelsefullt som lärare att få interagera med studenterna vid första mötet och kunna skapa ett socioemotionellt ramverk -Vi har genom att använda olika övningar kunnat skapat oss en överblick över studenternas förkunskaper, förväntningar och farhågor
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| 10. |
- Backman, Christel, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Lärarpoddar i kriminologi
- 2018
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Ingår i: Digitalisering av högre utbildning. - Lund : Studentlitteratur. - 9789144119724 ; , s. 65-70
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 11. |
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| 12. |
- Backman, Christel, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Medskapande pedagogik på en introduktionskurs
- 2018
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Ingår i: Scherp H.Å & Uhnoo D. (red.) Medskapande högskolepedagogik. - Lund : Studentlitteratur. - 9789144107349 ; , s. 45-70
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 13. |
- Björk, Sofia, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Heteronormativa maktordningar på arbetsplatsen
- 2020
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Ingår i: Att arbeta för lika villkor – Ett genus- och maktperspektiv på arbete och organisation. Britt-Inger Keisu (red.). - Lund : Studentlitteratur. - 9789144135045 ; , s. 191-209
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 14. |
- Björk, Sofia, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Normer som skaver. Hbtq-personers sociala arbetsmiljö i Göteborgs Stad
- 2018
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- På uppdrag av Göteborgs Stad har denna studie genomförts med syfte att få en överblick över hur hbtq-personer som arbetar i kommunen upplever sin sociala arbetsmiljö, samt vilka konsekvenser arbetsmiljön får för hbtq-personers välbefinnande. På ett generellt plan handlar detta om att belysa hur heteronormativa föreställningar och praktiker kommer till uttryck i arbetslivet och vilka konsekvenser det får för medarbetare som är hbtq. Fokus har legat på fyra sammanlänkade områden: (1) öppenhet och att komma ut som hbtq, (2) hbtq-personers upplevelser av bemötande på arbetsplatsen, (3) hbtq-personers upplevelse av delaktighet och social inkludering i arbetsgemenskapen och (4) arbetsmiljöns konsekvenser för hbtq-personers psykiska välbefinnande. Rapporten presenterar också övergripande rekommendationer om fortsatt arbetsmiljöarbete för att förbättra situationen för medarbetare – och i förlängningen brukare – som är hbtq. Inom ramen för studien genomfördes en webenkät som kompletterades med fördjupade intervjuer. Tre separata urval gjordes för webenkäten: ett slumpmässigt urval av medarbetare i Göteborgs Stads förvaltningar, ett slumpmässigt urval av medarbetare på det kommunala bolaget Göteborgs Spårvägar och ett självselekterat urval, främst riktat till hbtq-personer, via en länk som lades upp på Göteborgs Stads och Göteborgs Spårvägars intranät, samt spreds via lokala RFSL (Riksförbundet för homosexuellas, bisexuellas, transpersoners och queeras rättigheter). Totalt svarade 1004 personer på enkäten. I enkäten gavs möjlighet för hbtq-personer att anmäla intresse att delta i en fördjupad intervju och av de respondenter som anmält detta gjordes ett urval på 12 personer som fick möjlighet att berätta om sina erfarenheter av arbetsmiljön i Göteborgs Stad. Rapportens slutsatser baserar sig i hög grad på analyser av enkätsvaren, men intervjuerna gav möjlighet att pröva och utveckla resultaten från enkäten. Studien utgår främst från teorier om samhälleliga normer och mer specifikt heteronormativitet – att hbtq-personer görs till avvikande genom att heterosexualitet tas för givet i socialt samspel. Förklaringar till hbtq-personers utsatthet bör därför varken sökas hos hbtq-personer själva eller primärt hos de individer som medvetet eller omedvetet utför kränkande eller diskriminerande handlingar, utan hos de ofta outtalade kulturella mönster som förekommer på grupp-, organisations- och samhällsnivå. Heteronormen gör att de som avviker från den tvingas ta ställning till om de vill vara öppna och behöver fatta beslut om att komma ut som hbtq i olika sociala sammanhang. I dessa beslut behöver de förhålla sig till risken att utsättas för kränkningar och diskriminering kopplat till deras sexualitet och/eller könsidentitet. De som inte är hbtq slipper överväga sin öppenhet då heterosexualitet fortfarande i de flesta sammanhang är en outtalad utgångspunkt. Bland de hbtq-personer som svarade på enkäten menade omkring två tredjedelar att de var öppna för minst hälften av sina kollegor, medan bara en tredjedel var öppna för minst hälften av sina brukare. Medan öppenhet för kollegor inte tycktes variera beroende på verksamhetstyp (förskola/skola, socialtjänst, vård/omsorg, övrig verksamhet respektive Göteborgs Spårvägar) fanns det skillnader i öppenhet för brukare mellan verksamheterna, troligen kopplat till olika typer av brukarrelationer. Bland dem med transerfarenhet tycktes öppenhet för kollegor och brukare generellt vara lägre jämfört med homo- och bisexuellas öppenhet med sexuell läggning. Att inte vara öppen kunde för många handla om att inte ha fått anledning att komma ut eller att inte vilja vara privat på arbetsplatsen, men vanliga skäl var också en oro för att utsättas för negativa reaktioner eller närgångna frågor. En vanlig oro inför att komma ut var också att i andras ögon bli reducerad till enbart representant för kategorin hbtq-personer, medan valet att inte vara öppen kunde upplevas som att inte framträda för andra som hel person. Även för dem som generellt var öppet hbtq var det en ständig process att komma ut i olika yrkessammanhang när de mötte nya personer, vilket inte sällan uppfattades som påfrestande. Göteborgs stad har när denna rapport skrivs ett befintligt arbete för att främja arbetsmiljön hos hbtq-personer, och det var merparten av respondenterna i enkäten medvetna om. Bland medarbetare som är hbtq ansåg en majoritet att arbetet haft åtminstone viss effekt. Dock visar resultaten av enkäten att det kvarstår problem med diskriminering och kränkande behandling av hbtq-personer, vilket bör ses som en effekt av kvardröjande heteronormativa strukturer i organisationen. Hbtq-personer var överrepresenterade jämfört med de som är inte är hbtq vad gäller utsatthet för kränkande särbehandling, mobbing och sexuella trakasserier. Utsattheten bland dem med icke-binära könsidentiteter och personer med transerfarenhet tycks vara särskilt hög. Svaren på specifika frågor i enkäten om olika typer av bemötande gentemot hbtq-personer visar vidare att i synnerhet mer subtila, och eventuellt omedvetna, kränkningar såsom obetänksamma eller fördomsfulla kommentarer eller skämt relaterade till ens sexuella läggning eller könsidentitet var något som många varit med om någon gång. När olika typer av mer och mindre allvarliga former av utsatthet (från opassande nyfikenhet och obekväma frågor till hot och våld) läggs samman, framkommer att omkring en femtedel av hbtq-personerna i urvalet var utsatta för något av detta ganska ofta eller dagligen, och ytterligare en femtedel mer sällan. Kränkningar och diskriminering förekom från både kollegor, chefer och brukare. Samtidigt var de som inte är hbtq mindre medvetna om de kränkningar som sker mot hbtq-personer och det var inte ovanligt att kollegor och chefer inte sa ifrån mot nedsättande bemötande av hbtq-personer. För merparten av hbtq-personerna i studien tycks kränkning och diskriminering dock inte varit ett återkommande inslag i vardagen, och en överväldigande majoritet av hbtq-personer kände sig delaktiga, trygga och accepterade i gemenskapen på arbetsplatsen. Graden av upplevd social integration på arbetsplatsen skiljde sig inte nämnvärt mellan medarbetare som var hbtq och inte. Känslan av att vara trygg och accepterad i arbetsgemenskapen var dock påtagligt svagare hos icke-binära och transpersoner i urvalet. Analysen av enkäten visar också på ett negativt samband mellan olika former av utsatthet kopplat till könsidentitet eller sexuell läggning och i vilken grad medarbetare kände sig trygga och accepterade. De som i lägre grad var öppet hbtq tenderade också att vara mindre socialt integrerade på arbetsplatsen. Den övergripande bilden av hbtq-personers arbetsmiljö i Göteborgs Stad kan alltså framställas utifrån olika perspektiv med hjälp av enkätresultaten. Å ena sidan är det möjligt fokusera på att många hbtq-personer som arbetar i Göteborgs stad känner att de kan vara öppna, är trygga i sin arbetsgrupp och slipper kränkningar och diskriminering i sin vardag. Å andra sidan indikerar resultaten att det fortsatt förekommer heteronormativa föreställningar och praktiker, bland annat i form av brister i bemötandet av hbtq-personer från både medarbetare, chefer och brukare. Detta bidrar i sin tur till att en andel av de medarbetare som är hbtq känner sig mindre trygga och accepterade på arbetsplatsen. Enkätresultaten visar också att hbtq-personer som arbetar i Göteborgs Stad har generellt lägre psykiskt välbefinnande än de som inte är hbtq. En del av detta mönster har troligtvis sin förklaring i faktorer utanför arbetsplatsen, men den analys som presenteras i rapporten indikerar också att skillnader i den sociala arbetsmiljön, såsom olika grad av socialt stöd i arbetsgruppen och olika grad av upplevd trygghet, tycks vara en delförklaring. Utsatthet för olika former av kränkningar på arbetsplatsen, även mindre grova sådana, uppvisar också signifikanta samband med lägre grad av psykiskt välbefinnande. I rapportens avslutande del identifieras tre övergripande områden för fortsatt arbetsmiljöarbete. För det första föreslås ett förstärkt aktivt arbete för att undanröja trakasserier och motverka mer subtila och omedvetna kränkande handlingar, med ambitionen att undanröja alla kränkningar av hbtq-personer och andra minoriteter. Även brukares kränkningar måste tas på allvar och hur dessa ska hanteras bör bli föremål för fortsatt arbete. För det andra rekommenderas ett fortsatt arbete med normmedvetet ledarskap både bland chefer på hög nivå i organisationen och bland första linjens chefer, då dessa olika chefsnivåer fyller olika funktioner i för arbetsmiljön och arbetet för att förbättra denna. För det tredje förordas ett stärkt och fortsatt normkritiskt arbete och hbtq-kompetens genom verksamhetsanpassade utbildningar. Detta utvecklingsarbete bör länkas till ett bredare normkritiskt arbete som också inkluderar exempelvis normer kring etnicitet och funktionsnedsättningar. Utmaningen ligger särskilt i att integrera normkritiska förhållningssätt i det vardagliga arbetet och samvaron på arbetsplatsen.
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| 15. |
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| 16. |
- de Moor, Joost, et al.
(författare)
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Environmental movements and their political context
- 2022
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Ingår i: The Routledge Handbook of Environmental Movements, edited by Maria Grasso and Marco Giugni. - Oxon : Routledge. - 9780367428785 ; , s. 263-277
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Environmental movements are in various ways shaped by their political context, typically conceptualized by scholars as the political opportunity structure (POS). In addition to presenting a review of research on the complex relationship between POS and environmental movements, this chapter provides an analysis of several emblematic climate mobilizations of the late 2010s to elaborate on some largely neglected aspects of POS theory. These include 1) how movements translate POS into strategies through narratives of interactions with governmental institutions, 2) how not only input structures but also output structures of governmental institutions need to be taken into account to understand environmental movements’ strategic choices, and 3) how POS may come to play a less significant role when movements shift from a predominantly instrumental logic to an increasingly moral/expressive logic.
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| 17. |
- de Moor, Joost, et al.
(författare)
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Narrating Political Opportunities: Explaining Strategic Adaptation in the Climate Movement
- 2017
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Ingår i: Paper presented at the ECPR General Conference. Oslo: 6-10 September.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- How do social movements adapt their strategies to political opportunity structures (POSs)? This is one of the most cited, yet least settled, questions in social movement research (e.g. Koopmans & Olzak, 2004; Walgrave & Verhulst, 2009). A common assumption is that opportunities are perceived, and that movement actors adjust their strategies accordingly (e.g. Meyer & Staggenborg, 1996). There is some evidence to support this idea, yet it is far from conclusive. In particular, it remains unknown how social movements can obtain knowledge about the POS, and how this knowledge is applied in strategizing. By extension, we also do not know when social movements do, or do not, respond to threats or opportunities, or why they choose particular ways to respond. To advance this debate, we propose a new model that combines the ‘perception hypothesis’ with insights from narrative analysis (Polletta, 2006). Specifically, we argue that while movement actors can perceive, and adapt to, ‘real’ opportunities, this process takes place within a wider process in which social movements construct a story about themselves in relation to their environment, as well as their history, present and projected future. This approach reveals the multiple core functions that such narratives simultaneously fulfill, including not only strategic adaptation, but also the identification of actors in relation to opportunities, and the positioning of opportunities and campaigns in the long-term saga of a movement. Understanding perceived opportunities in this way explains how responses to the POS are shaped by more than strictly utilitarian calculations, and importantly, it helps explain why some opportunities are not responded to. We illustrate our model on the basis of an in-depth case-study of the climate movement’s historic mobilization for the UN Climate Summit in Paris, in 2015 (COP21). Through observations, interviews, and document analysis we were able to develop a profound understanding of the collective construction of narrative, opportunity and strategy. Moreover, the exceptionally broad coalition driving the movement’s mobilization around COP21 ensured that we could directly observe intense, defining strategic negotiations. Beyond these methodological advantages, the COP21 mobilization is part of a long line of well-documented climate summit mobilizations, which allowed us to examine closely how past experience and tradition shape strategic adaptation, whilst being able to assess how relevant changes in the political context are processed. In particular, we will show that the experience of the Copenhagen Climate Summit of 2009 was essential for the formulation of strategies. Finally, the particular time dimension of the climate issue further reveals key insights about the way in which narrative is used to define opportunities in the context of a longer time-frame.
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| 18. |
- de Moor, Joost, et al.
(författare)
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Narrating political opportunities: explaining strategic adaptation in the climate movement
- 2019
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Ingår i: Theory and Society. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 0304-2421 .- 1573-7853. ; 48:3, s. 419-451
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article advances theory on social movements’ strategic adaptation to political opportunity structures by incorporating a narrative perspective. Our theory explains how people acquire and use knowledge about political opportunity structures through storytelling about the movement’s past, present, and imagined future. The discussion applies the theory in an ethnographic case study of the climate movement’s mobilization around the UN Climate Summit in Paris, 2015. This analysis demonstrates how a dominant narrative of defeat about the prior protest campaign in Copenhagen, 2009 shaped the strategizing process. While those who experienced Copenhagen as a success preferred strategic continuity, those who experienced defeat developed a “Copenhagen narrative” to advance strategic adaptation by projecting previously experienced threats and opportunities onto the Paris campaign. Yet by relying on a retrospective narrative, movement actors tended to overlook emerging political opportunities. We demonstrate that narrative analysis is a useful tool for understanding the link between structure and agency in social movements and other actors affected by (political) opportunity structures. © 2019, The Author(s).
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| 19. |
- Gustafsson, Nils, et al.
(författare)
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Virtual Mobilisation? Linking On-line and Off-line Political Participation among Swedish Facebook Users: Courtesy and Irritation
- 2008
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Ingår i: The XV NOPSA conference, 2008-08-05/2008-08-09, Tromsö, Norway.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This paper is a pilot study where Swedish Facebook users are interviewed in virtual focus groups - one consisting of politically active participants and one consisting of not politically active participants - using Facebook itself as the platform. The interviews concerned the attitudes of the participants towards political campaigns and recruitment within Facebook. The preliminary results show that there are no major differences between the politically active and not politically active users. Most participants also claim that their participation in political campaigns in Facebook is a form of semi-public identity management.
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
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| 23. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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European Anti-Austerity Protests: Beyond “old” and “new” social movements?
- 2015
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Ingår i: Acta Sociologica. - : SAGE Publications. - 0001-6993 .- 1502-3869. ; 58:4, s. 293-310
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores the social composition of participants in anti-austerity protests taking place in Belgium, Italy, Spain and the UK between 2010 and 2012, based on over 3000 questionnaires distributed to protest participants according to a standardized method. Employing a distinction between three types of mobilizations, we compare protests anchored in the traditional ‘old’ labour movements, protests by smaller radical leftist unions and parties, and the ostensibly newer kinds of mobilizations in the form of Indignados and Occupy protests. Although easily forgotten, we argue that the two former types of anti-austerity protests deserve equal attention from researchers. We conclude that there are significant differences between the protest categories in terms of socio-demographic characteristics of their participants, but the participants nevertheless appear to maintain surprisingly similar political values across demonstration types. Class identification also differed. The participants in the Indignados/Occupy protests had a markedly lower degree of identification with the working class – regardless of the ‘objective’ labour market position and controlling for country differences. These aspects relate to the classic distinction between ‘old’ and ‘new’ social movements, but we argue that it risks obscuring a more complex pattern of similarities and differences between different anti-austerity mobilizations.
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| 24. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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Interrogating protest surveys
- 2009
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Ingår i: ECPR General Conference, Potsdam, 10-12 September 2009.
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 25. |
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| 26. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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May Day Demonstrations in Five European Countries
- 2012
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Ingår i: Mobilization: the international quarterly review of social movement research. - 1086-671X. ; 17:3, s. 281-300
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this paper, we argue that there is an element of rituality in all political demonstrations. This rituality can be either primarily oriented toward the past and designed to consolidate the configuration of political power—hence official—or oriented towards the future and focused on challenging existing power structures—hence oppositional. We apply this conceptual framework in a comparison of May Day demonstrations in Belgium, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom in 2010. The demonstrations display significant differences in terms of officiality and oppositionality. Our study provides strong evidence that these differences cannot be explained solely—if at all—by stable elements of the national political opportunity structures. Instead, differences in degrees of oppositionality and officiality among May Day demonstrations should be primarily understood in terms of cultural traditions in combination with volatile factors such as the political orientation of the incumbent government and the level of grievances.
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| 27. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
-
‘Normalized’ Pride? : Pride parade participants in six European countries
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Sexualities. - : Sage Publications. - 1363-4607 .- 1461-7382. ; 21:7, s. 1146-1169
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Based on quantitative survey data collected during Pride parades in six European countries – the Czech Republic, Great Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland – we analyse who participates in Pride parades. Engaging with the so-called protest normalization thesis we ask: are Pride parade participants, aside from sexual orientation, representative of the wider populace? In none of the countries could we find indications that Pride participants mirror the general populations. The parades remain dominated by well-educated, middle strata youth, rich in political resources. However, we find variation between countries, which we link to differences in elite and public support for LGBT rights. © 2017, The Author(s) 2017.
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| 28. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
-
Pride Parades and LGBT Movements: Political Participation in an International Comparative Perspective
- 2018
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Today, Pride parades are staged in countries and localities across the globe, providing the most visible manifestations of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer and intersex movements and politics. Pride Parades and LGBT Movements contributes to a better understanding of LGBT protest dynamics through a comparative study of eleven Pride parades in seven European countries– Czech Republic, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK– and Mexico. Peterson, Wahlström and Wennerhag uncover the dynamics producing similarities and differences between Pride parades, using unique data from surveys of Pride participants and qualitative interviews with parade organizers and key LGBT activists. In addition to outlining the histories of Pride in the respective countries, the authors explore how the different political and cultural contexts influence: Who participates, in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and political orientations; what Pride parades mean for their participants; how participants were mobilized; how Pride organizers relate to allies and what strategies they employ for their performances of Pride. This book will be of interest to political scientists and sociologists with an interest in LGBT studies, social movements, comparative politics and political behavior and participation.
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| 29. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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Repression: The governance of domestic dissent
- 2015
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Ingår i: The Oxford Handbook of Social Movements. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780199678402 ; , s. 634-652
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Social movement protest and repression are inextricably joined. In this chapter we make a case for conceptualizing repression as the governance of domestic dissent. Repression or policing contention is a dispersed mechanism for the governance of the dominant political and economic order. In order to survey the vast literature on repression our model for understanding the forms of governing dissent departs from three conceptual dimensions. The scale dimension denotes the geographic and operational scale of the governance of dissent. The institutional dimension tackles the identity of the actors governing dissent—from actors more or less tightly linked to the national government to private security and civil society actors that act more or less independently of any state. Finally, the functional dimension addresses the ways that dissent is governed—ranging from subtle forms of channeling, through intimidation and symbolic violence, to violent coercion at the other end of the spectrum.
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| 30. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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Sweden 1950–2015: Contentious Politics and Social Movements between Confrontation and Conditioned Cooperation
- 2017
-
Ingår i: Mikkelsen F., Kjeldstadli K., Nyzell S. (eds) Popular Struggle and Democracy in Scandinavia: 1700-Present. - Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9781137578495 ; , s. 377-432
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this chapter we provide a historical overview of the major trends in contentious politics in Sweden from 1950 to 2015. Considering that protest during this period (especially from the 1960s onwards) rapidly proliferated, involving a number of forms and acting on a multiplicity of social conflicts, we provide a thematic account, focusing on the major conflicts and the social movements that defined the space of contentious politics of the period. Four protest waves are outlined, which largely correspond to transnational developments but in many cases display strong elements of national and local articulation. We argue that contentious politics in Sweden in the post-war era is profoundly influenced by the particular relationship between state and civil society defining the Swedish welfare model.
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| 31. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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Swedish Trade Unionism – a Renewed Social Movement?
- 2010
-
Ingår i: XVII World Congress of Sociology, Göteborg, 11-17 july 2010.
-
Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- A Legion of literature has developed referring to a ‘new labour internationalism’ emerging that is a significant break from the influential post-war trend of nation-statist unionism. From the horizon of the Swedish labour movement we interrogate this popular paradigm. On the basis of a questionnaire distributed among marchers during the 2009 May 1st labour demonstrations in Gothenburg we evaluate the potential among grassroots union activists to lend their solidarity to labour struggles beyond Sweden’s borders, as well as their political concern in general for the wider global issues of environmental threats, third world poverty, and human rights. On the basis of interviews with union officials, together with relevant union documents, we investigate union leadership’s position towards trans-border cooperative efforts within the European Union Movement, as well as towards collaboration with other social movement NGO’s on specific issues. The questions we pose focus the Swedish Labour Union’s position towards European labour strategies in the face of the global economic and climate crises and whether these positions can be interpreted as including international solidarity or rather, explicitly or implicitly, elements of chauvinism, paternalism and protectionism. In conclusion we juxtapose our findings from the two studies to investigate differences in support for trans-border union activism.
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| 32. |
- Peterson, Abby, 1949, et al.
(författare)
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Swedish trade unionism: A renewed social movement?
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Economic and industrial democracy. - 0143-831X .- 1461-7099. ; 33:4, s. 621-647
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Claims as to the emergence of a new phase of unionism – social movement unionism – returning to its original ‘counter-cultural roots’, are closely allied with the claims as to a ‘new labour internationalism’ that is a significant break from the influential postwar trend of nation-statist unionism. This article interrogates these two popular paradigms from the perspective of the Swedish labour movement. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with union officials, as well as quantitative analysis of union homepage content and responses to surveys among May Day demonstrators. The general conclusion as regards social movement unionism in Sweden is that the major unions, although increasingly interested in cooperation with social movement organizations, are still far from changing the repertoire of action that has been predominant in the postwar period. International solidarity – among both union officials and grassroots activists – is strongly ambivalent, and attitudes to international support oscillate between charity and self-interest.
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| 33. |
-
Protest for a future: Composition, mobilization and motives of the participants in Fridays For Future climate protests on 15 March, 2019 in 13 European cities
- 2019
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The #FridaysForFuture climate protests mobilized more than 1.6 million people around the globe in March 2019. Through a school strike, a new generation has been galvanized, representing a historical turn in climate activism. This wave of climate protest mobilization is unique in its tactics, global scope and appeal to teenage school students. Media coverage of these protests and high-level national and international political meetings involving the movement’s icon, Greta Thunberg, illustrate a level of global attention that no previous youth movement has ever received. A team of social scientists from universities across Europe organized a survey of the global FFF strike events on March 15. The team surveyed protesters in 13 cities in nine European countries using the same research design to collect data, following the well-established protest survey methodology used previously in the “Caught in the Act of Protest: Contextualizing Contestation” (CCC) project. Demographically, the 14-19 age group is significantly over-represented among our respondents. More surprising is the predominance of female participants, particularly among teenagers. We believe that the movement’s female leaders may have a strong mobilizing effect on (particularly young) women. Education remains a strong predictor of participation. The movement’s ability to create engaged young citizens through their climate activism is also highly significant, with average figures for first-time participants (among school students) on March 15 at around 38% across all countries. Despite the adults participating in solidarity with school students, our survey data shows that the involvement of peers seems to matter more for school students. 45% of all school students agreed with the statement that Greta Thunberg had been a factor in their decision to join the Climate Strike. Compared with the adults in our survey, school students are seldom engaged as financial contributors or active members of environmental NGOs. Activists showed strong identification with both instrumental and expressive motivations. To a higher degree than adults, young respondents stated a wish to defend their interests, although they did not take success in this aim for granted. We can observe that participants feel distrustful about their current national governments’ capacity to deal with global warming, but they still push these governments for climate policies. In almost every country, student and adult participants are extremely sceptical about relying on companies and the market to solve environmental problems. There are significant differences between countries, and between adults and school students, over stopping climate change through individual lifestyle changes, highlighting that the movement may actually be quite heterogeneous in some regards. The significant presence of young first-timers in the strike signals the emergence of a new generation of climate activists and the possible development of FFF as a broader, grassroots movement, with a strong female presence and reliance on social media and peer networks. It highlights limited commitment to established environmental organisations, with varying interpretations of the importance of lifestyle politics and a hopeful attitude towards the future. Further research will be needed to follow the development of the first mass youth mobilization on climate change. During the second global school strike on May 24, 2019, new surveys were organized in Stockholm and Budapest.
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| 34. |
- Svensson, Anders, et al.
(författare)
-
Climate change or what? Prognostic framing by Fridays for Future protesters
- 2023
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Ingår i: Social Movement Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1474-2837 .- 1474-2829. ; 22:1, s. 1-22
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Since August 2018, Greta Thunberg and Fridays for Future have captured the attention of the world by mobilizing millions of young students as well as adults to join their climate strikes. The movement has stressed the urgency of global warming and urged politicians to listen to science and take action. The collective action framing has thus been broad and inclusive, but correspondingly vague in terms of its demands. It is therefore pertinent to explore what climate strikers believe should be done to address climate change. By analysing responses to an open survey question posed to participants in the climate strikes in March and September 2019 from Stockholm, Malmö, Vienna, Berlin, Warsaw, Florence and Brussels, this article uses a mixed-methods approach to investigate prognostic framing in the European climate movement. Distinguishing between two dimensions of projected change—its character and its main agents—this study re-conceptualizes the common distinction between institutionalist and anti-institutionalist approaches as a split between top-down and bottom-up as well as the system change and system development types of prognostic framing. While top-down change within the current system is identified as the most common prognostic frame, considerable numbers of survey respondents instead stress individual lifestyle changes. A bottom-up change of the system to address global warming is somewhat surprisingly more likely to be articulated by middle-aged respondents than by youths. The latter frame also receives disproportionate support from the most left-leaning participants, which demonstrates the continued relevance of the left–right dimension in green politics.
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| 35. |
- Törnberg, Anton, 1985, et al.
(författare)
-
Local conditions and national context for anti-immigrant arson attacks: the case of Sweden in the 2000s
- 2020
-
Ingår i: ECPR.
-
Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This study aims to explain variation in radical right violence on the local level, through a comparison of Swedish municipalities. Specifically, our aim is to identify combinations of conditions that form pathways to the incidence of asylum housing attacks. Broader factors such as national level political opportunity structures and discursive opportunities on the national level have been proposed to explain change over time or between countries in the incidence of radical right violence. Complementing such findings, several publications have highlighted the importance of local level factors such as local history of radical right activities, sudden changes in demography, municipal political opportunities and grievances such as unemployment. A common way of studying this phenomenon is through probabilistic multivariate regression analyses. A weakness of such approaches is that they have difficulties capturing multiple pathways to a single outcome and complex interaction effects, such as when some factors are causally conditional upon other factors. In the present study we aim to capture such mechanisms, using tools from qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) on the case of arson attacks against refugee housing facilities in Swedish municipalities during the decade 2009-2018. We will pay attention to conditions on the local level as well as national level, but since we analyse a single national case, we focus on national level conditions that display traceable change over time. We use a dataset of arson attacks against Swedish asylum housing facilities, created from a combination of media sources and incident reports from the fire and rescue services.
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| 36. |
- Törnberg, Anton, 1985, et al.
(författare)
-
Local Conditions for Anti-immigrant Violence: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of Asylum Housing Attacks in Sweden
- 2023
-
Ingår i: Terrorism and Political Violence. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0954-6553 .- 1556-1836. ; 35:6
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This study uses a novel approach to identifying local contextual conditions conducive, alone or in combination to far-right political violence. The studied case is asylum housing attacks occurring in Sweden 2015-16. Using a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis of eighty-six Swedish municipalities, forty-two of which have experienced arson attacks against refugee housing facilities, we operationalize and test four hypotheses derived from the literature. These assumed the causal impact of (1) objective grievances, (2) mediated grievances combined with lack of political opportunities, (3) independent alternative media effects, and (4) broader far-right mobilization. In contrast to a number of previous studies, none of the three first hypotheses received support. No operationalization of objective grievances, such as influxes of immigrants, poverty, or unemployment distinguished the municipalities where attacks had occurred. Nor did the local level of discursive or political opportunities. Only one of our expected causal pathways-arson attacks as an extension of a broader local far-right mobilization in the context of a supportive local public opinion-was a sufficient condition for a large proportion of our positive cases.
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| 37. |
- Törnberg, Anton, 1985, et al.
(författare)
-
Unveiling the radical right online Exploring framing and identity in an online anti-immigrant discussion group
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Sociologisk Forskning. - : Sveriges Sociologförbud. - 0038-0342 .- 2002-066X. ; 55:2-3, s. 267-292
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Radical right online discussion groups have grown in importance in the Swedish political landscape, yet the dynamics of these groups are still poorly understood. Apart from their topical import, these groups provide a unique entrance to grassroots discourses of the radical right movement and the mechanisms for radical nationalist mobilization. In this paper, we present an analysis of the largest current anti-immigrant online discussion group in Sweden by using a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analysis. We argue that this type of social media group needs to be approached as both a "counterpublic" within a wider public sphere and as a "free social space" for social movements. The analysis reveals that the use of external links in the group reflects an active negotiation of frames that both confirm and contradict those of the group, thereby challenging a simplistic understanding of the so-called "echo chamber" dynamics. A form of collective identity can be discerned, mainly through the opposition to various outgroups and through an implicit form of nationalism expressed through the concern of "sacred objects" typically perceived to be under threat.
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| 38. |
- Uba, Katrin, et al.
(författare)
-
Fridays for Future
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Nationalencyklopedin. - Malmö : Nationalencyklopedin AB.
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 39. |
|
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| 40. |
- Uba, Katrin, et al.
(författare)
-
Thunberg, Greta
- 2022
-
Ingår i: The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, Second Edition. - Hoboken, NJ : John Wiley & Sons Ltd. - 9781119692201
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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Alone in the crowd : Lone protesters in Western European demonstrations
- 2014
-
Ingår i: International Sociology. - London : Sage Publications. - 0268-5809 .- 1461-7242. ; 29:6, s. 565-583
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While corroborating the fact that the majority of protesters attend demonstrations together with friends, family and/or fellow members of their organizations, this article shows that protesting alone remains an option for many people – under the right circumstances. Through multilevel analysis of survey data from participants in 69 demonstrations in eight Western European countries, the authors study lone protesters in different types of demonstrations. On the individual level, they show that protesting alone is closely linked to relative detachment from interpersonal mobilizing networks, as well as to short decision times. The authors also develop demonstration-level explanations for why lone protesters are more common in some demonstrations than in others. Precipitating events and inclusive social movement communities increase the proportion of lone demonstrators, which is also higher in static rallies than in moving demonstrations. These factors arguably make personal networks less crucial for protest mobilization.
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| 43. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978, et al.
(författare)
-
Between the State and the Market: Expanding the Concept of 'Political Opportunity Structure'
- 2006
-
Ingår i: Acta Sociologica. - : SAGE Publications. - 0001-6993 .- 1502-3869. ; 49:4, s. 363-377
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article brings together two research traditions: social movement theory and theories of corporate social responsibility. The study is an attempt to widen the perspective on the relationship between a business/business sector and its external stakeholders in order to include social movements. We depart from a three-part model of political opportunity structures, including state, cultural and economic opportunity structures. In order to illustrate our model, the article is centred on the case of the Swedish animal rights movements' political pressure on domestic fur-farming. The animal rights movement has had considerable success by engaging with a relatively open cultural opportunity structure, winning a framing war in regard to the moral issues raised. Despite the fur industry's attempts to counter-mobilize, the animal rights movement has found a hearing in formal political channels and has achieved considerable success. However, since the movement is faced with an economic opportunity structure that is not vulnerable to the demands of stakeholders, and where there is great inconsistency between the interests of the industry and the demands of the stakeholders, it is not surprising that the farmers have been non-compliant.
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| 44. |
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| 45. |
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| 46. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978
(författare)
-
Changes in police organization and strategy: Organizational adaptation as an outcome of social movement action
- 2012
-
Ingår i: Paper presented at the conference Silence in the Study of Social Movement Outcomes, 6-8 September 2012, Uppsala.
-
Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this paper is to explore to what extent, and how, recent changes in protest policing strategy and organization can be attributed to specific protest events. The study contributes to the literature on social movement outcomes through its focus on changes in institutionalized organizational practices. This type of outcome does not fall neatly into either of the broad categories typically identified in this literature, i.e. political, cultural, and biographical outcomes. Furthermore, the consequences of “watershed events” for protest policing strategies are not systematically explored in the protest policing literature. The study consists of a comparison of five protest events—all involving some sort of policing failure—and subsequent police reforms (or the absence of a reform) in Denmark, Italy, Great Britain, Sweden, and the US. Identification of central causal mechanisms is based on a review of research on protest policing, in combination with data from a research project specifically focusing on protest policing in Sweden and Denmark, which includes evaluation reports, observations of police training in protest policing and interviews with political activists and police officers of different ranks. The five cases exemplify how protests events and concomitant policing failures may indeed function as triggers of episodic change within police organizations. Events like these are not by themselves a sufficient condition for triggering organizational change; otherwise such changes would be internationally abundant. Furthermore, even though police organizational changes are influenced by a number of external factors, such as political opportunity structures and international learning processes, the study indicates that characteristics of the triggering events themselves contribute to the trajectory of change, since they become the warning examples that define what primary problems the police must solve to maintain organizational legitimacy. It is proposed that challenges to different dimensions of police legitimacy contribute to different types of organizational solutions.
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| 47. |
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| 48. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978, et al.
(författare)
-
Climate protest and social movements: Charting and explaining variation in patterns of participation and frames among Climate Summit protestors in three countries
- 2011
-
Ingår i: Paper presented at the 6th ECPR General Conference, Reykjavik, 25-27 August 2011.
-
Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In this paper we analyse surveys of three large climate demonstrations in Copenhagen, Brussels and London, organized in connection with the UN Climate Change Conference 2009. We focus on three interrelated issues: (1) who demonstrates and (2) how demonstrators frame the climate problem, who is responsible, and preferred solutions, and (3) the relationship between the demonstrators’ socio-demographic and organizational characteristics, and their collective action frames. The demonstrations are results of the mobilization of broad coalitions of groups, and we find significant variation in the demonstrators’ framings in terms of a tension between system-critical and more individualist approaches and frame-bridging with justice frames. We find that while the individual variation in framing cannot be explained by the countries of origin of the protesters in each demonstration, the pattern of which frames are used varies significantly between the three protest locations. The between-country comparison is made possible by a unified methodology for sampling participants in demonstrations and controlling for response bias.
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| 49. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978, et al.
(författare)
-
Conceptualizing and exploring the ‘Greta effect’ on micro-mobilization for climate protest
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Social Movements Midterm conference 2020 “Democratic struggles: contention, social movements and democracy”, 7-9 October 2020.
-
Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- While social movements are collective endeavours, occasionally, specific individuals come to play crucial roles in political mobilizations – as catalysts, unifying symbols and outstanding spokespersons. Within the field of environmental politics, Greta Thunberg’s importance for the Fridays for Future mobilization, by far surpasses most historical examples. In a year, her role developed from a lone teenager striking from school to push for policies to stop global warming, to a spokesperson for a global movement. Given this extraordinary development, it is crucial to study the role of Greta Thunberg for the movement participants to gain an adequate understanding of the contemporary climate movement and, more generally, how iconic individuals influence movement participants. We analyse Thunberg’s position in terms of her parallel roles as leader, icon and role model. Using two waves of surveys of participants in Fridays for Future protests – on March 15 and September 20-27 – we analyse (1) what categories of protesters were especially prone to have been inspired and mobilized by Thunberg, (2) the difference in her impact for the first global mobilization (March 15) and directly following her speech at the UN (September 27), and (3) the ‘individual Greta effect’ discernible from how subjectively assessed influence from Thunberg affects sense of political efficacy, collective identity, and framings of climate protest participants.
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| 50. |
- Wahlström, Mattias, 1978, et al.
(författare)
-
‘Conscience adherents’ revisited: Non-LGBT Pride Parade participants
- 2018
-
Ingår i: Mobilization. - : San Diego State Universty. - 1086-671X .- 1938-1514. ; 23:1, s. 83-100
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of “conscience adherents” and “conscience constituents,” first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, based on interviews with Pride parade organizers, we argue that mobilizations based on a more inclusive political strategy will attract more non-LGBT participants.
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