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1.
  • Linke, Sebastian, 1974, et al. (författare)
  • More than just a carding system: Labour implications of the EU’s illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing policy in Thailand
  • 2021
  • Ingår i: Marine Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-597X. ; 127
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Globally, the EU plays a leading role in combating Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing activities. Specifically, the EU exercises normative power to influence regulatory strategies and governing frameworks in third countries. In 2015, the EU issued Thailand a yellow card, indicating that economic sanctions would be implemented unless IUU fishing practices were eliminated. Concurrently, revelations about ‘modern slavery’ in Thailand's fishing industry had received international attention, through media and NGOs, exposing slavery-like practices among migrant fishworkers. Conventionally, the EU IUU policy addresses only issues of catch and environmental sustainability. This paper explores how an initial bilateral dialogue was bifurcated into two dialogues: a Fishery Dialogue and a Labour Dialogue. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with involved actors, expert opinions, field-visits and secondary documents, we ask: How were labour issues integrated into the bilateral dialogue, and what consequences emerged from the IUU policy for Thai fisheries management? Tracing the bilateral dialogue between EU and Thai governments, we argue that Thailand's fisheries reform was a result of both fisheries’ sustainability concerns and the kind of labour rights valued by the EU. Our Normative Power Europe approach shows how norms of labour rights shaped the reform through policies and implementation. We maintain that this unique case-study reveals how the EU incorporates a broad-based normative approach that goes beyond catch sustainability.
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2.
  • Hasic, Tigran, 1969- (författare)
  • Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community
  • 2004
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity.The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments).This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use.The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner.
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3.
  • Agevall, Lena, et al. (författare)
  • Albert O. Hisrchmans liv och verk
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: Sorti eller protest. - : Arkiv Förlag, Lund. ; , s. 7-12, s. 7-12
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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4.
  • Likić-Brborić, Branka, 1956-, et al. (författare)
  • Labour rights as human rights? : trajectories in the global governance of migration
  • 2015. - 1
  • Ingår i: Migration, precarity, and global governance. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198728863 ; , s. 223-244
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this chapter Branka Likić-Brborić addresses the emerging global governance of migration. She scrutinizes the structuring of human and labour rights discourses and contingencies for their institutionalisation and implementation by discussing their prospects for the promotion of global social justice. Issues of accountability and contingencies for the implementation of labour and human rights as migrants’ rights are discussed in the wider context of the existing global governance architecture. The chapter questions assumptions that setting up a workable model for codification and institutionalisation of labour standards, human rights and migrants’ rights could be left to a currently asymmetric global governance regime or to a variety of codes of corporate social responsibility. Global and regional trade union confederations and other civil society organizations have an essential role in repositioning a rights-based approach to migration, labour standards and development onto the terrain of a just globalisation.
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  • Bremberg, Niklas, 1978-, et al. (författare)
  • Global Responses to Climate Security : Discourses, Institutions and Actions
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Journal of Peacebuilding and Development. - : Sage Publications. - 1542-3166 .- 2165-7440. ; 17:3, s. 341-356
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Research suggests that International Organizations (IOs) are getting more involved in efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate-related security risks in different parts of the world. However, there is still a limited understanding of how discourse and action on climate security develop and diffuse in and across different institutional settings in various policy fields and geographical contexts. This article aims to contribute to advancing the research agenda by outlining an analytical framework that helps structure comparison across IOs along three key dimensions: (a) discursive framing; (b) institutional design; and (c) policy actions. To illustrate how the framework can be used in empirical analyses the article discusses findings from previous research. This is not only relevant to highlight the framework’s analytical usefulness as it also shows the relevance of these research findings for practitioners and decision-makers engaged in efforts to enhance the role of IOs in global governance of climate security—and across the humanitarian-development-peacebuilding nexus.
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7.
  • Legitimacy in global governance : sources, processes, and consequences
  • 2018
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Legitimacy is central for the capacity of global governance institutions to address problems such as climate change, trade protectionism, and human rights abuses. However, despite legitimacy’s importance for global governance, its workings remain poorly understood. That is the core concern of this volume: to develop an agenda for systematic and comparative research on legitimacy in global governance. In complementary fashion, the chapters address different aspects of the overarching question: whether, why, how, and with what consequences global governance institutions gain, sustain, and lose legitimacy. The volume makes four specific contributions. First, it argues for a sociological approach to legitimacy, centered on perceptions of legitimate global governance among affected audiences. Second, it moves beyond the traditional focus on states as the principal audience for legitimacy in global governance and considers a full spectrum of actors from governments to citizens. Third, it advocates a comparative approach to the study of legitimacy in global governance, and suggests strategies for comparison across institutions, issue areas, countries, societal groups, and time. Fourth, the volume offers the most comprehensive treatment so far of the sociological legitimacy of global governance, covering three broad analytical themes: (1) sources of legitimacy, (2) processes of legitimation and delegitimation, and (3) consequences of legitimacy.
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8.
  • Towns, Ann E., 1970- (författare)
  • Norms and social hierarchies : Understanding international policy diffusion "from below"
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: International Organization. - 0020-8183 .- 1531-5088. ; 66:2, s. 179-209
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article aims to rethink the operation of norms in international policy diffusion. Norms do not simply standardize state behaviors, as is conventionally argued; norms also draw on and set up hierarchical social orders among states. Through a conceptual rethinking we gain a better understanding of where-among which states-new policies may first emerge: social hierarchies create incentives for new policies to develop at the margins of international society so that policies may diffuse "from below." We also get a better grasp of how policy advocates frame the appropriateness or benefits of a new state practice: they must frame policy demands in terms of the international standing and rank of the targeted state. This article's empirical aspiration is to use these insights to help account for the international policy diffusion of legal sex quotas, a policy to increase the level of female legislators that developed first among "developing" states rather than among the so-called core of international society. By pointing to the link between norms and social hierarchy, the article helps account for policy diffusion "from below." © 2012 The IO Foundation.
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9.
  • Coloniality and Decolonisation in the Nordic region
  • 2023
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • This book advances critical discussions about what coloniality, decoloniality and decolonization mean and imply in the Nordic region. It brings together analysis of complex realities from the perspectives of the Nordic peoples, a region that are often overlooked in current research, and explores the processes of decolonization that are taking place in this region. The book offers a variety of perspectives that engage with issues such as Islamic feminism and the progressive left; racialization and agency among Muslim youths; indigenizing distance language education for Sami; extractivism and resistance among the Sami; the Nordic international development endeavour through education; Swedish TV-reporting on Venezuela; creolizing subjectivities across Roma and non-Roma worlds and hierarchies; and the whitewashing and sanitization of decoloniality in the Nordic region. As such, this book extends much of the productive dialogue that has recently occurred internationally in decolonial thinking but also in the areas of critical race theory, whiteness studies, and postcolonial studies to concrete and critical problems in the Nordic region. This should make the book of considerable interest to scholars of history of ideas, anthropology, sociology, cultural studies, postcolonial studies, international development studies, legal sociology and (intercultural) philosophy with an interest in coloniality and decolonial social change.
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10.
  • Schierup, Carl-Ulrik, 1948-, et al. (författare)
  • A countermovement of the precariat : Migration, labour, and the enigma of humanrights
  • 2024. - 1
  • Ingår i: Handbook on Migration andDevelopment. - : Edward Elgar Publishing. - 978 1 78990 712 4 - 978 1 78990 713 1 ; , s. 1-463
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The chapter discusses shifting trends in global migration and the precarization oflabour on the background of processes of commodification and recommodification, against a theory of a neoliberal ‘regulatory state’. It explores aspects of the other side of thi sproblem in terms of perspectives for, to paraphrase Polanyi (2001 [1944]), a countermovementof, for, or with the migrant precariat. Reviewing processes leading up to the confirmation of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM 2018 ) and the subsequent  UN International Migration Review Forum, the authors ask what space there is for migrant rights movements in the global governance of migration and discuss the handling of the discursive emblemof ‘human rights’ in the context.
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11.
  • Ruth-Lovell, Saskia P., et al. (författare)
  • Democracy and Populism: Testing a Contentious Relationship
  • 2019
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The phenomenon of populism and its relationship with modern democracy has gained considerable attention in recent years. This paper aims at advancing our understanding of how populism affects different models of democracy and tests the proposed arguments empirically. Building on the large scholarly literature on populism and democracy, we take stock of existing arguments and theorize which democratic models may be affected by populism in a positive or a negative way. Moreover, we move beyond the normative debate and analyse the effect of populism in power on different models of democracy empirically. We do so by merging data on populist governments in Europe and Latin America from the 1995 until today with the Varieties of Democracy data set, which enables us to capture the relationship between populism and different democratic models in these regions.
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12.
  • Internationella relationer : könskritiska perspektiv
  • 2013
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Internationella relationer är en introduktion till genusanalytiska frågeställningar och tolkningar av den internationella ordningen. Boken belyser vikten av könskritiska perspektiv på internationella relationer och ger exempel på skilda sätt att förstå och förklara den internationella ordningens betydelser för människors liv i olika delar av världen. Här ställs frågor om hur globalisering och konflikter samspelar med föreställningar om manligt och kvinnligt. Författarna analyserar och diskuterar könskodade maktstrukturer och ojämlik resursfördelning - både lokalt och globalt. Med utgångspunkt i IR-fältets klassiska temaindelningar lyfter artiklarna fram nya perspektiv och problem, vilket vidgar och fördjupar förståelsen av fältet, såväl vetenskapligt som politiskt. Internationella relationer - könskritiska perspektiv vänder sig till studenter i internationella relationer och angränsande ämnen, men också till andra som är intresserade av könskritiska tolkningar av hur den internationella ordningen fungerar.
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13.
  • Arias Schreiber, Milena, 1965, et al. (författare)
  • Addressing social sustainability for small-scale fisheries in Sweden : Institutional barriers for implementing the small-scale fisheries guidelines.
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: The Small-Scale Fisheries Guidelines. - Berlin : Springer. - 9783319550732 - 9783319550749 ; , s. 717-736
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Swedish coastal fisheries are not sustainable in terms of the status of their main fish stocks, their economic profitability, and as source of regular employment. Social sustainability commitments in fisheries governance advocated by the Voluntary Guidelines for Securing Sustainable Small-Scale Fisheries (SSF Guidelines) have been so far mostly neglected. In this chapter, we bring attention to two institutional settings at different governance levels relevant for the implementation of the SSF Guidelines in the Swedish context. First, we look at the introduction of social goals under the perspective of the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). Second, we consider national tensions between forces advocating or opposing a further application of market-based economic instruments, often portrayed as an effective cure for all ills, in fisheries governance. Taking into account the logic on which the SSF Guidelines rest, we evaluate in both cases current processes for stakeholder participation in the formulation of fishing policies and strategies in Sweden. We conclude that the inclusion of a social dimension and stakeholder involvement at the EU level face procedural and institutional limitations that prevent the small-scale fisheries sector from exploiting opportunities for change. Further challenges to the implementation of the SSF Guidelines arise when central national authorities’ interpretation of societal benefits opposes other interpretations, and consequently economic calculations take precedence over a participatory process-based, knowledge-accumulating approach to resource management. The SSF Guidelines, therefore, provide important material and intellectual resources to make the most of new chances that can lead to an increased likelihood of change in the direction of sustainable coastal fisheries in Sweden. 
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14.
  • Abrahamsson, Agneta, 1951-, et al. (författare)
  • Välfärdssektorns projektifiering : kortsiktiga lösning av långsiktiga problem
  • 2009
  • Ingår i: Kommunal ekonomi och politik. - 1402-8700. ; 13:4, s. 35-60
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In this article we use two immigrant projects to identify similarities and consequences in order to discuss and analyse outwarding collaborative projects in human service organizations as a tool for change. The heavy use of projects in a slimmed public sector originates from projects’ contradictory promises of flexibility and effectiveness in the New Public Management context. Usually projects are used as a way to get more resources to long-term needs but are seldom implemented as planned in the regular organisation. Seemingly politicians, management and civil servants preferred are focusing on the positive side of projects as means to legitimate the organizations and to bring change by targeting and steering activities. However, they tend to overlook the negative consequences from projects. Citizens and participants experience frustration and distrust. The long-term development in organizations is scarce. Projects are seldom implemented meanwhile as the problems the projects were expected to target still are remaining or even are increasing.
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15.
  • Sandström, Annica, et al. (författare)
  • The performance of policy networks : the relation between network structure and network performance
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: Policy Studies Journal. - 0190-292X .- 1541-0072. ; 36:4, s. 497-524
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The importance of policy networks has long been emphasized within the field of policy analysis. However, few attempts have been made to investigate the explanatory power of policy networks using the tools and theoretical concepts provided by social network analysis (SNA). This paper aims to address this need by determining if a relationship exists between the structural features of policy networks, their organizing capacities, and their performance. A comparative case study of four networks within the higher education policy sector confirms the assumption related to the existence of such a relation. It is proposed that an efficient and innovative policy network consists of a heterogeneous set of actors that are centrally and densely integrated. Furthermore, while the level of network heterogeneity is positively related to the function of resource mobilization in the process of policymaking, the level of centralized integration promotes the function of prioritizing. These findings are believed to contribute to our understanding of policymaking in contemporary society. The current paper indicates that a significant explanatory power exists in the concept of policy networks and that SNA is one way of advancing its possibilities.
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16.
  • Eriksson Baaz, Maria, 1971, et al. (författare)
  • Conflict Related Sexual Violence against Men
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: Gender and Violence against Political Actors Edited by Elin Bjarnegård and Pär Zetterberg. - Philadelphia : Temple University Press. - 9781439923306
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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17.
  • Gray, Harriet, 1983, et al. (författare)
  • Torture and sexual violence in war and conflict: The unmaking and remaking of subjects of violence
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105. ; 46:2, s. 197-216
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Despite the wide repository of knowledge about conflict-related sexual violence that now exists, there remains a lack of understanding about how victims/survivors of such violence themselves make sense of and frame their experiences in conversation with global and local discourses and with the categorisations that underpin support programmes. Such sense-making is important not only because the ways in which violence is categorised shape a victim/survivor's ability to access particular forms of recognition and support, but also because it is central in how shattered selves and worlds are remade in the aftermath of violence. Drawing on individual and group interviews conducted with refugees living in Kampala, Uganda, this article charts how framings of ‘torture’ and ‘sexual violence’ become meaningful in participants’ accounts in the (re)formation of themselves as subjects after violent victimisation. We trace how participants navigate the heteronormative societal and legal norms that shape their subjectivity and the effects of the violence they experienced through the deeply gendered and political work that these terms do in their narratives. Our analysis thus highlights and reminds us to pay attention to the political stakes involved in fluid processes of categorising injury.
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19.
  • Groglopo, Adrián, 1967 (författare)
  • En diagnos av rasism och demokrati i Sverige
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Antirasistiska Akademin youtube kanal. - : Antirasistiska Akademin.
  • Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Intervjuserie som finansierades av Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällsfrågor. Projektet handlar om 17 djupintervjuer med både forskare som studerar rasism i Sverige och aktivister som arbetar med frågor om rasism och mänskliga rättigheter. projektansvarig och intervjuare: Adrián Groglopo
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21.
  • Ewald, Jonas, 1959- (författare)
  • Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania. Moving towards consolidation years after independence?
  • 2013
  • Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.About the author:Jonas Ewald is lecturer and researcher in Peace and Development Studies. His main research areas are democratisation and its linkages to development, conflicts, and post-conflict management, with a focus on East Africa/Great Lakes Region—and Tanzania and Rwanda in particular.
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26.
  • Viktorov, Ilja, 1979-, et al. (författare)
  • The state capture of Russian non-bank financial institutions and markets after the 2008 crisis
  • 2016
  • Ingår i: Competition & change. - : SAGE Publications. - 1024-5294 .- 1477-2221. ; 20:1, s. 3-20
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article explores the expansion of the Russian state into financial markets after the 2008 global financial crisis. The main argument is that the Russian state has been unable to pursue its own developmental agenda in the sector despite increased regulation and state takeovers. While independent private market participants were pushed aside by state-controlled financial intermediaries, the state failed to follow its own policy strategy towards establishing an international financial centre in Moscow. Instead, the Russian financial market institutions were rendered into a vehicle for inter-bank lending under control of the Central Bank of Russia. Data from Russian stock market and corporate bond market trading highlights the trend. The study discusses the role played by informal power networks in redistribution of state-controlled resources and financial flows, and how this factor influenced the state regulation of financial markets in Russia.
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27.
  • Sahlin, Kerstin, et al. (författare)
  • The 'Milky Way' of intermediary organizations : A transnational field of university governance
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Policy and politics (Print). - : Policy Press. - 0305-5736 .- 1470-8442. ; 43:3, s. 407-427
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article focuses on transnational intermediary organizations in higher education and research. We conceive of intermediaries as organizations that are actively involved in transnational university governance without having formal access to or control over policy or governmental funding. Such intermediary organizations have in previous research been shown to play central roles in the development and circulation of new themes and ideas for how to manage universities and measure university performance. Intermediaries link different types of actors and act as translators of global themes. In this respect, they are decisive in policy formulation. While the expansion of such transnational intermediaries is well documented in earlier research, we know little about who they are and how they interact. The article is the first to map transnational intermediaries concerned with higher education and research, as well as their linkages with each other. Through an original web-crawling technique, we identify a large number of transnational intermediaries that are actively linked to each other. These intermediaries exhibit a dense and stretched-out pattern with no obvious single center of gravitation. Instead, the field consists of several smaller and clearly distinguished constellations, resembling the structure of the Milky Way. Using these data, we advance two main arguments. First, transnational university intermediaries form an organized field of their own, vouching for their importance for the scaling up of governance networks and the development of collaborative governance arrangements. Second, within this field, there are several clusters where certain intermediaries occupy a more central position in the field than others. In all, this article contributes to the existing literature on governance networks, sketching the consequences of intensified global activities among intermediaries for how new themes and ideas about university management travel and translate, highlighting the significance of intermediary organizations for national university systems and individual universities.
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30.
  • Gustafsson, Mariana S., 1978- (författare)
  • Reassembling Local E-Government : A study of actors’ translations of digitalisation in public administration
  • 2017
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The digitalisation of society decidedly affects public administration. Swedish public administration has long worked with information technologies for an effective and improved management of public services. But new and increased use of information technologies in society poses new challenges. New demands on information security are increasing, while accessibility and transparency are important priorities in policies on digitalisation in public services. However, the central government’s ambitions and expectations with regard to digitalisation face a slow and hesitant implementation in local governments. There are important differences between municipalities in priorities, local needs, and implementation mechanisms in connection with e-government. In this thesis, I argue there is a need to reconsider the role of governance mechanisms in e-government. There is a need to understand local translations of national policies and technological developments in relation to the goals of more effective and legitimate public administration. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyse tensions that emerge in the implementation of egovernment in local public administration. On the basis of a constructivist and interpretivist approach, I have undertaken two empirical studies. One focuses on municipal administration of education in Linköping. The other focuses on a governance network on digitalisation policy in Östergötland. The studies are presented in four papers. The issues addressed in the papers are further analysed with a focus on four fields of tension, using network governance theory and translation theory. This shows that the implementation of e-government in local public administration is a tension-laden process. The four fields of tension relate to: different logics and dilemmas for adoption and implementation; concerns and ambiguities in a context of unclear organisational and institutional arrangements; concerns and resistance from professional users; and a reassessment of the meaning of security as a reference for the interpretation of information security. I contend that established managerial and evolutionary models of e-government leave important process-related aspects out of the analysis of change in public administration. The contribution of this thesis lies in its description and analysis of the four identified fields of tension. One significant implication of my analysis is that reassembling current  governance mechanisms in local public administration is crucial.
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31.
  • Haas, Tigran, 1969- (författare)
  • Ethnic Conflict and the Right to Return of Limbo Disaporas : Multifaceted Reflections on the Case of BiH
  • 2004
  • Ingår i: Migration and Ethnic Studies (Migracijske i Etničke Teme). - Zagreb : Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies. - 1333-2546 .- 1848-9184. ; 20:1, s. 29-51
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This paper examines the phenomenon of refugees and resettled persons in the process of forcedmigrations in the aftermath of man-made disasters. Although some of the ideas presented here couldhave wider application, the focus is on post-conflict zones within the former Yugoslavia, namely BiH.The paper uses the questions of ethnicity and nationalism within resettlement, dislocation and immigrationas a backdrop, into which the issue of globalization is also briefly reflected. The intention hereis not to cover a wide range of pressing topics, but simply to relate a number of issues arising in contemporarylarge-scale forced migrations to a resurgence of cultural specificity and ethnicized nationalismas counterpoints to globalization. The paper introduces the concept of “limbo diasporas” in the caseof Bosnian refugees in Sweden through reflection and linkage with the aforementioned concepts. Thepaper ends with some recommendations and open questions on social rehabilitation and ethnic healingas well as some general conclusions.
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32.
  • Wackenhut, Arne, et al. (författare)
  • Engaging the next generation: authoritarian regimes and their young diaspora
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: European Political Science. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1680-4333 .- 1682-0983. ; 22
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Recent scholarship on diaspora engagement and transnational repression has investigated how authoritarian regimes seek to engage, govern and control their diasporas. Recognizing that diasporas are diverse and that homeland states thus devise different strategies in relation to different groups, this research has—to a large extent—focused on the varied positions held by regime supporters and dissidents. Inter-generational differences, however, have not been studied in this context. Drawing on established frameworks theorizing extraterritorial authoritarian practices, this article explores the ways in which second-generation diaspora—or diaspora youth—is either included as subjects, patriots and clients, or excluded as outlaws and traitors by authoritarian regimes. Drawing on the literature on transnationalism and second-generation migrants, and using examples from empirical cases, we argue that the skills, resources and multi-sited embeddedness of the second-generation diaspora can make them particularly interesting targets for transnational engagement—or repression. We draw attention to specific strategies for mobilizing the support of diaspora youth, but also note that some techniques to control or repress extraterritorial subjects are less efficacious in relation to this generation.
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  • Contending Global Apartheid : Transversal Solidarities and Politics of Possibility
  • 2023
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Contending Global Apartheid: Transversal Solidarities and Politics of Possibility spells out a plea for utopia in a crisis-ridden 21st century of unequal development, exclusionary citizenship, and forced migrations. The volume offers a collection of critical essays on human rights movements, sanctuary spaces, and the emplacement of antiracist conviviality in cities across North and South America, Europe, and Africa. Each intervention proceeds from the idea that cities may accommodate both a humanistic sensibility and a radical potential for social transformation. The figure of the 'migrant' is pivotal. It expounds the prospect of transversal solidarity to capture a plurality of commonalities and to abjure dichotomies between in-group and out-group, the national and the international, or society and institutions. 
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35.
  • Migration, Civil Society and Global Governance
  • 2019. - 1
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • How do the United Nations, international organizations, governments, corporate actors and a wide variety of civil society organizations and regional and global trade unions perceive the root causes of migration, global inequality and options for sustainable development? This is one of the most pertinent political questions of the 21st century.This comprehensive collection examines the development of an emerging global governance on migration with the focus on spaces, roles, strategies and alliance-making of a composite transnational civil society engaged in issues of rights and the protection of migrants and their families. It reveals the need to strengthen networking and convergence among movements that adopt different entry points to the same struggle, from fighting ‘managed’ migration to contesting corporate control of food and land. The authors examine the opportunities and challenges faced by civil society in its endeavour to promote a rights-based approach within international and intergovernmental fora engaged in setting up a global compact for the management of migration, such as the Global Forum for Migration and Development, and in other global policy spaces.This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal Globalizations.
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36.
  • Politics of precarity : migrant conditions, struggles and experiences
  • 2016
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • In Politics of Precarity: Migrant Conditions, Struggles and Experiences, edited by Carl-Ulrik Schierup and Martin Bak Jørgensen, the contributing authors look into precarity. Precarity has become a buzzword in as well academia as among activist. The book depicts precarity as being both a condition and a mobilizing force for resistance. The volume asks questions that investigate conditions and resistance across diverse cases such as first generation urbanites in China, migrant pensioners and unemployed youth in Sweden and Spain, refugees in Germany, irregular and regular migrants in Southern Europe, Turkey, Russia the United States and South Africa.Readership - Politics of Precarity is of interest for students and scholars within migration studies, sociology, social anthropology and political economy as well as people interested in the effects of neoliberalism.Table of contents1. From ‘Social Exclusion’ to ‘Precarity’. The Becoming Migrant of Labour. An IntroductionCarl-Ulrik Schierup and Martin Bak Jørgensen2. A Geneology of Precarity: A Toolbox for Rearticulating Fragmented Social Realities in and out of the WorkplaceMaribel Casas-Cortés3. The Precariat strikes back – precarity struggles in practiceMartin Bak Jørgensen4. The Precariat: A View from the SouthRonaldo Munck5. Turkey’s new precariat: Differentiated vulnerability and new alliancesNazli Senses6. Multiplex migration and axes of precarization: Swedish retirement migrants to Spain and their service providersAnna Gavanas and Ines Calzada7. Employment in crisis: Cyprus and the extension of precarityGregoris Ioannou8. Regulating Illegal Work in China: Immigration Law and Precarious Migrant StatusMimi Zou9. Running into nowhere: Educational migration in Beijing and the conundrum of social and existential mobilitySusanne Bregnbæk10. Necropolitics and the Migrant as a Political Subject of Disgust: The Precarious Everyday of Russia’s Labour MigrantsJohn Round and Irina Kuznetsova-Morenko11. Mobile commons and/in precarious spaces: Mapping migrant struggles and social resistanceNicos Trimikliniotis, Dimitris Parsanoglou & Vassilis Tsianos12. The Working Class and the city as Political Platform in New YorkPeter Schultz Jørgensen13. Under the Rainbow: Precarity and People Power in Post-Apartheid South Africa Carl-Ulrik Schierup
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37.
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38.
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39.
  • Schierup, Carl-Ulrik, 1948-, et al. (författare)
  • Reimagineering the Common in Precarious Times
  • 2018
  • Ingår i: Journal of Intercultural Studies. - : Routledge. - 0725-6868 .- 1469-9540. ; 39:2, s. 207-223
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • The paper explores movements for social transformation in precarious times of austerity, dispossessed commons and narrow nationalism; movements counterpoised to an exhausted neoliberalism on the one hand, and a neoconservative xenophobic populism on the other. Applying ‘rainbow coalition’ as generic concept it points at contours of a globally extended countermovement for social transformation, traversing ‘race’, class and gender, driven by reimaginings of the commons and indicating how they could be repossessed and democratically ruled; that is ‘reimagineered’). A multisited enquiry explores how actors express their claims as activist citizens under varying conditions and constellations, and if/how discourses and practices from different locations and at different scales inform each other. It interrogates whether there may be an actual equivalence of outlook, objective and strategy of ostensibly homologous contending movements which develop under varying local, national and regional circumstances in contemporary communities riveted by schisms of class, ‘race’/ethnicity and gender, occupied by the ‘migration’ issue and challenged by popular demands for social sustainability. The paper contributes to social theory by linking questions posed by critics of ‘post-politics’ concerning contingences of pluralist democracy and revitalised politics of civil society, to precarity studies focused on globalisation and the changing conditions of citizenship, labour and livelihoods.
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40.
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41.
  • Velasquez, Juan, 1963, et al. (författare)
  • La ciudadania insurgente de las mujeres de barrios populares en Venezuela: Reflexiones sobre los Consejos Comunales y las Salas de Batalla Social. : Barrio women's insurgent citizenship in Venezuela - Reflexions on Communal Councils and Social Battle Rooms
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Espacio Abierto. - 1315-0006. ; 24:3, s. 45-68
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article aims to analyze certain characteristics of the Venezuelan democratic transformation during the Presidency of Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, particularly from 2002 onwards and with a specific focus on the emergence of barrio women in the new participatory structures. There will be particular attention to the mechanisms enhancing local political participation and social inclusion through the Community Councils (Consejos Comunales) and the Social Battle Rooms (Salas de Batalla Social). Within these instances barrio women had increasingly discovered their own space for individual and collective empowerment. barrio women’s participation in such instances frames a process of gender equality based in scale complementarity in which the structures of macro-politics more dominated by men, while those of micro-politics are generally dominated by barrio women. In this study barrio women’s instances of micro-politics will be conceptualized in terms of insurgent citizenship. The article connects thus to theoretical debates on radical participatory democracy, State-society relations, and the empowerment of barrio women that previously were excluded from the public sphere.
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42.
  • Aggestam, Lisbeth, 1965, et al. (författare)
  • Sweden, NATO and the role of diasporas in foreign policy
  • 2023
  • Ingår i: International Affairs. ; 99:6, s. 2367-2385
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • When and how do diasporas influence the foreign policy of liberal democratic states? Few studies have sought to conceptualize how diasporas affect strategic bilateral relations between states. We argue that these non-state actors are an increasingly important factor in western liberal democratic societies, which challenge traditional theories of foreign policy. To explore when and how the transnational societal ties and interests of diaspora groups affect foreign and security relations between states, we develop a triadic analytical model of state–diaspora interactions and specify key contextual factors. To illustrate the dynamics at play, we analyse the influence of the Kurdish diaspora in Sweden on Turkish–Swedish bilateral relations in the wake of Sweden's decision to apply for full NATO membership. Our case-study builds on semi-structured interviews as well as news media sources, speeches and official documents. The study shows that the Kurdish diaspora demonstrates an independent role and an ability to shape the policy process due to the permeability of the political system. As a result, the policy-process is becoming more domesticated, thereby constraining the role of the executive. The article contributes important insights to policy-makers and diplomats on what impact transnational state–society relations can have on foreign policymaking.
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43.
  • Aggestam, Lisbeth, 1965, et al. (författare)
  • The Leadership Paradox in EU Foreign Policy
  • 2017
  • Ingår i: Journal of Common Market Studies. - : Wiley. - 0021-9886 .- 1468-5965.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • This article examines a leadership paradox at the heart of EU foreign policy between the demand for effective European leadership, and leadership legitimacy embedded in state practices. This paradox is manifested in the Lisbon treaty that delegated significant formal leadership functions to the European level. We probe the question how and by whom leadership can and should be performed in EU foreign policy. To answer this question, we advance a new theoretical framework drawing on sociological institutionalism and role theory. We argue that leadership should be understood as a social role shaped in a process of interaction between leader and followers. We contribute with new empirical knowledge of leadership role relations based on an interview survey conducted in 2016. The empirical results point to role conflicts over the formal leadership functions in EU foreign policy and the emergence of new informal leadership practices by EU member states.
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44.
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45.
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46.
  • Core values and the expeditionary mindset : armed forces in metamorphosis
  • 2011. - 1
  • Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
    • There is quite some consensus that today’s international security environment has substantially changed following the end of the Cold War in 1989/90 and that this requires the transformation of modern armed forces from conventional ones to something else. This ‘something else’ may indeed be an expeditionary military. The military metamorphosis that is needed seems to be nothing less than a substantial overhaul of the armed forces in various dimensions. One obvious dimension is organizational structure. The second dimension is technology and especially armament technology where weapons and equipment need to be adapted to present-day conflict and combat challenges including a shift in focus of procurement policies. The third dimension rests with the assumption that the given, current security political landscape necessitates a change not only in the military’s organizational format and technological posture, but also in mindset. Changing the conventional military mindset towards one that is focused on expeditionary operations calls into question how such a transformation will influence the core values of the military. The fourth and final dimension is educating and training the soldiers because expeditionary operations call for additional skills and expertise compared to those required for a Cold War military mission.The contributions to this book focus on the mindset and the core values of an expeditionary military and take different avenues to approach these themes. At times, they also reach out into the other dimensions. The book is divided into two parts. The first part covers concepts and conceptual approaches, while the second part contains contributions that basically carry case-study character. The contributors belong to a wide range of academic disciplines, which allows for different avenues and perspectives on our topic, thus enriching our knowledge of the problems involved. The book is of great interest and relevance to academia, military practitioners and political decision-makers.
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47.
  • Enroth, Henrik (författare)
  • Community?
  • 2015
  • Ingår i: Global Community?. - : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. - 9781783484720 ; , s. 165-180
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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48.
  • Friedner Parrat, Charlotta, 1980-, et al. (författare)
  • The English School as a theory and a scholarly community
  • 2020
  • Ingår i: Cambridge Review of International Affairs. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0955-7571 .- 1474-449X. ; 33:4, s. 483-486
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • It is becoming customary to define the English School (ES) as a group of scholars participating in a common inquiry related to a few central concepts, notably that of international society. Although the roots of the ES are often attributed to the British Committee on the Theory of International Politics, it is now said to be more of an open society of impersonal ties rather than an exclusive community based on personal relations. But how true is that assertion? If the School is theoretically open to anyone, why are its members predominantly male, white and Western? In this piece, we discuss three obstacles that prevent the ES from becoming a more inclusive venture.
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49.
  • Higham, Ian, 1989- (författare)
  • Explaining Early Adoption : National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights
  • 2021
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Diffusion of innovations theory concerns the process by which innovations are communicated through the members of a social system. Previous research has shed significant light on how public policies diffuse across governments over time, but there is little understanding of why they diffuse. The answer may lie in the motivations of early adopters. When governments are the first to adopt policy innovations, they lack knowledge about the political, economic, and other costs of adopting the policy. Given the potential risks, it is not obvious why a government would want to be the first to adopt a policy innovation. This thesis investigates the question of what explains early adoption of policy innovations. It contributes to the international relations literature on policy diffusion by proposing a theoretical framework for studying early adoption that consists of four motivations: 1) Normative – the government adopts a policy because of a normative position on a particular objective; 2) Reputation – the government seeks to improve its image or garner legitimacy in the international community; 3) Competition – the government seeks to gain a competitive edge on other states in “races to the top”; and 4) Domestic lock-in – the government adopts a policy to “tie the hands” of future national governments.The thesis has an empirical focus on public policies for regulating corporations on human rights issues: National Action Plans on business and human rights (NAPs). These plans are national governments’ strategies for implementing the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), a set of global policy norms that provide guidance for states and corporations on addressing the human rights impacts of business. As this field is largely neglected by political scientists, the thesis makes an additional empirical contribution to the burgeoning interdisciplinary literature on business and human rights. The theoretical framework is applied in a two-step, mixed-methods research design that includes a global mapping of NAPs and hypothesis testing. The thesis then presents three sets of comparative case studies: Colombia/Ecuador, United States/Canada, and France/Sweden. In the first four case studies, the theoretical framework is used to compare early adopters and laggards. In the final case study chapter, two early adopters are compared to determine whether there is potential to explain variation within the adopter category.The findings lead to several conclusions. First, normative commitment can provide a strong motivation for early adoption, and domestic actors are particularly important for shaping a government’s normative preferences. Second, governments with concerns about their international reputations are more likely to be early adopters, especially if reputation gains are linked to a reward. Third, governments act strategically to trigger races to the top, especially when they are more economically powerful. They thus adopt particular styles of regulation early to influence the style of regulation adopted elsewhere. Fourth, the desire to lock a policy in place domestically is an especially powerful motivation for early adoption, although it is not essential. Governments may seek to lock policies in place both in advance of imminent political loss and in the wake of domestic political strife. Finally, interactions between these motivations may give them more explanatory power and may explain the relative stringency of the policy adopted. Reputational concerns and the desire to lock policies in place are especially mutually reinforcing.
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50.
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