| 1. |
- Agevall, Lena, et al.
(författare)
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Albert O. Hisrchmans liv och verk
- 2008
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Ingår i: Sorti eller protest. - : Arkiv Förlag, Lund. ; , s. 7-12, s. 7-12
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 2. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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‘A Historical Examination on the Decision-making Process of the Use of Nuclear Weapons’ : a Japan-US International Workshop ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’, co-organized by Center for Global Partnership, Pugwash USA, Pugwash Japan, Institute for International Studies, Meiji-Gakuin University, Tokyo, 24-25 January 2009
- 2009
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Ingår i: ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’. - Tokyo : Meiji-Gakuin University Institute for International Studies. ; , s. 61-78
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 3. |
- Lalander, Rickard, 1964-
(författare)
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Los Indígenas y la Revolución Ciudadana : Rupturas y alianzas en Cotacachi y Otavalo
- 2009
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Ingår i: Ecuador Debate. - Quito : Centro Andino de Acción Popular/CAAP. ; :77, s. 185-218
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Las victorias de Rafael Correa y su Movimiento PAIS (Patria Altiva y Soberana), en las elecciones presidenciales de 2006 y 2009, han afectado duramente tanto al movimiento indígena ecuatoriano como a sus principales organizaciones. Se analiza el “efecto” Correa en Otavalo y Cotacachi poniendo atención en los actores políticos locales sus estrategias, alianzas y rupturas organizativas. Los procesos políticos locales tienen su propia dinámica, existen raíces y relaciones históricas entre los diferentes actores sociales y políticos que incluyen antiguos vínculos con la izquierda.
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| 4. |
- Linke, Sebastian, 1974, et al.
(författare)
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More than just a carding system: Labour implications of the EU’s illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing policy in Thailand
- 2021
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Ingår i: Marine Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-597X. ; 127
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Globally, the EU plays a leading role in combating Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing activities. Specifically, the EU exercises normative power to influence regulatory strategies and governing frameworks in third countries. In 2015, the EU issued Thailand a yellow card, indicating that economic sanctions would be implemented unless IUU fishing practices were eliminated. Concurrently, revelations about ‘modern slavery’ in Thailand's fishing industry had received international attention, through media and NGOs, exposing slavery-like practices among migrant fishworkers. Conventionally, the EU IUU policy addresses only issues of catch and environmental sustainability. This paper explores how an initial bilateral dialogue was bifurcated into two dialogues: a Fishery Dialogue and a Labour Dialogue. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with involved actors, expert opinions, field-visits and secondary documents, we ask: How were labour issues integrated into the bilateral dialogue, and what consequences emerged from the IUU policy for Thai fisheries management? Tracing the bilateral dialogue between EU and Thai governments, we argue that Thailand's fisheries reform was a result of both fisheries’ sustainability concerns and the kind of labour rights valued by the EU. Our Normative Power Europe approach shows how norms of labour rights shaped the reform through policies and implementation. We maintain that this unique case-study reveals how the EU incorporates a broad-based normative approach that goes beyond catch sustainability.
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| 5. |
- Hasic, Tigran, 1969-
(författare)
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Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity.The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments).This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use.The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner.
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| 6. |
- Doeser, Fredrik
(författare)
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In Search of Security After the Collapse of the Soviet Union : Foreign Policy Change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The aim of this study is to explain the evolution of foreign policy in Denmark, Finland and Sweden with regard to Western security cooperation between 1988 and 1993. The study sets out to test two theoretical perspectives on the security cooperation policies of these three small states. The external political perspective is based on the idea that foreign policy is determined by the challenges of a state’s external political environment. The domestic political perspective is based on the idea that phenomena at the domestic level of the state have an impact on how governments cope with external constraints. The primary theoretical ambition is to integrate the findings from these two analyses in order to further an understanding of the mechanisms of foreign policy change in small states.In order to study the relationship between the environment and foreign policy change, the author applies a perceptual approach, which means that his intention is to explain foreign policy action on the basis of the perceptions actors have of the environment.The author draws a number of conclusions with regard to the mechanisms of foreign policy change. First, a perceptual approach is needed in order to analyze a state’s specific responses to international political change. Second, domestic factors are not only important for foreign policy in general but also for the evolution of security cooperation policy in small states under conditions of fundamental shift in the international system. Third, it is possible to attribute some degree of relative explanatory power to external factors and to assign a range of different roles to domestic factors. Fourth, governments of Western democratic small states pay relatively equal attention to external and domestic considerations when making their foreign policies. However, depending on the situation, the relative potency of external and domestic factors can vary.
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| 7. |
- Hagevi, Magnus, 1965-, et al.
(författare)
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Party realignment in Western Europe : Electoral drivers and global constraints
- 2022. - 1
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- Identifying a crisis for representative democracy in Western European party systems, this essential book studies the widening gap between political parties’ ideological economic Left–Right rhetoric. Combining in-depth theoretical analysis with empirical research, it addresses whether political party ideologies are converging or diverging, and whether these changes are initiated by the parties themselves, aligned with voter demand, or forced by economic globalization.
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| 8. |
- Jedenheim-Edling, Magnus, 1960-
(författare)
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The compatibility of effective self-ownership and joint world ownership
- 2003
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The three main conclusions of this doctoral thesis are: first, that effective self-ownership is compatible with joint world ownership; second, that it is incompatible with private ownership as expressed in right-libertarianism; third, that it is incompatible with private ownership as expressed in left-libertarianism. Effective self-ownership is a technical way of expressing personal freedom, and joint world ownership means that the world is owned by everyone in common and that people, therefore, have an equal say as regards its use. Right-libertarianism and left-libertarianism both support private ownership. The difference between them is mainly their respective view on how private property legitimately can be formed. Crudely put, the right-libertarian believes that ownership may be formed through mixing one's labour with the external resources in question, whereas left-libertarianism recognises ownership only if it is initially equally distributed. Furthermore, it is argued that joint world ownership, right-libertarianism, left-libertarianism and the various versions of these exhaust the field, or that these are, at least, the most obvious alternatives to be reckoned with. It may, therefore, also be concluded that if one finds effective self-ownership valuable, one should also adopt joint world ownership. To be able to assess the arguments of this thesis, one obviously needs to know more about ownership. Therefore, this doctoral thesis will also include a thorough analysis of rights and ownership.This thesis takes part in and elaborates the traditional debate within political theory: whether personal freedom is compatible with material equality. It is by many believed that they are incompatible. The reason for this is that the measures taken to uphold material equality appear to reduce personal freedom. But if effective self-ownership is a reasonable expression of personal freedom and joint world ownership of material equality, then the thesis advocated here claims that the scepticism of their incompatibility is ill founded and that they, indeed, are compatible.
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| 9. |
- Nordström, Anders
(författare)
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The Interactive Dynamics of Regulation : Exploring the Council of Europe's Monitoring of Ukraine
- 2008
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In a time when a host of new and untested democracies seek membership in international organisations founded on liberal norms, the question of how to include new members without jeopardizing community values has become of growing concern, particularly as the regulation of practices in sovereign states often relies on soft moral or political commitment rather than on hard legal obligation. The Council of Europe’s (CoE) monitoring of new members after entry represents a soft method of socialising newcomers. In the case of Ukraine, this process has been unusually difficult, and full of strife and open confrontation. This experience runs contrary to the belief that soft regulation is either harmonic or impossible. The aim of the thesis is to explore how a regulated process of inclusion develops over time, and to discuss how such a process can safeguard community values.The study shows that an interactive dynamic developed between the European and the Ukrainian levels. The political struggle in Ukraine was, through the actions of the political opposition in Ukraine and the CoE’s monitors, transformed into a contest in the CoE over how to interpret Ukraine’s membership promises. European values were protected by the evolution of a mode of governance based on responsiveness to local concerns and on public discussion. In the process, the legal and political systems of the CoE and Ukraine were intertwined in ever more complex webs of dialogue. By being grounded in both the Ukrainian and European political discourses, the process was able to sustain a critical discussion on the terms of the agreement and maintain its relevance for the actors involved. The monitoring process displays how community values and autonomy of a member state can be combined in an unexpected way without resulting in a hierarchical order. This may not fulfil the requirements of the international rule of law, but it is clearly a case of soft and responsive transnational regulation of state practices.
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| 10. |
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| 11. |
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
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| 14. |
- Haandrikman, Karen, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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Neighbourhood Survey 2020: Design and Realisation
- 2022
-
Rapport (refereegranskat)abstract
- This report describes the design and realisation of the Neighbourhood Survey 2020, within the research program “The Neighbourhood Revisited: Spatial polarization and social cohesion in contemporary Sweden”, directed by Bo Malmberg at the Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University. The program, in which the survey is one of the main information sources, is funded by the Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences (Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, RJ), grant registration number M18-0214:1. The overarching aim of the survey was to provide the program’s research team with recent tailor-made data, to enable empirical investigations of how spatial polarization may lead to a society that is increasingly divergent in terms of attitudes, values and lifestyles. To this end, the survey was based on a stratified sample of individuals (age 18–80) in 10 different types of residential areas in Sweden. This predefined geographic demarcation of the sample—in the report referred to as the ‘neighbourhood clusters’— stems from an empirically grounded classification developed earlier in the research program. The survey was administered by Statistics Sweden, and 4,784 residents completed the survey (either online or on paper), corresponding to a total response rate of 24 per cent. This report details the background of the survey, as an integrated and integral part of the overall research program. Methodological details concerning the neighbourhood clusters are also provided, whereby the linkage between identified clusters and the sampling frame is elaborated. Furthermore, the construction of the questionnaire is described, along with the actual implementation of the survey. Importantly, the quality of the data obtained is also assessed in terms of measurements, coverage, and non-response.
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| 15. |
- IKEGAMI, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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Asia in Global Security : An Epicentre of New Instability
- 2006
-
Ingår i: The Stockholm Journal of East Asian Studies. - Stockholm : CPAS. - 0284-883X. ; 16, s. 9-16
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In post-Cold War Europe the risk of major armed conflicts has been reduced to a very low level, and unconventional threats such as terrorism currently dominate European security concerns. In Asia by contrast, the picture is much gloomier; there is still a risk of conventional inter-state conflicts and power struggles, as well as unconventional threats. There are two flash-points in East Asia, the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait, where the risk of inter-state conflict involving weapons of mass destruction (WMD) cannot be ruled out in the worst case of conflict escalation. Additionally, the East China Sea and Spratly Islands can be counted as a risk zone. China’s rapid military build-up is a challenge to many countries in the region. Meanwhile, the USA’s overseas forces are undergoing global re-deployment and re-organization, another factor of regional security uncertainty in the coming years. The lack of credible regional confidence and security building measures in East Asia can only aggravate this already volatile situation.
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| 16. |
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| 17. |
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| 18. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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Kita-Chosen, Mongol nimiru Chugoku no Giji-Manshukoku seisaku [China’s North Korean and Mongolian Strategy: A Contemporary Version of ‘Manchukuo’ Model]
- 2009
-
Ingår i: GPI Brief – for Guiding Policy Innovation. - Tokyo/Washington, D.C. : Global Policy Initiatives. ; June:10, s. 8-10
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- 'China’s North Korean and Mongolian Strategy: A Contemporary Version of‘Manchukuo’ Model', Masako Ikegami (GPI Policy Expert Member and Professor and Director, Center for Pacific AsiaStudies (CPAS), Stockholm University)By abusing its rapidly growing economic and military power, Hu Jintao’s China is assuming a highlyaggressive stance to its neighboring countries geopolitically important to China, who are rich innatural resources yet politically vulnerable. North Korea is a prominent case, and the case hasimplications also for Myanmar and Mongolia. If Japan’s Manchukuo policy in the 1930s is interpretedas (1) a large investment in economic infrastructure for extracting natural resources, (2) militaryinterventions for protecting economic interests, and (3) social-political absorption by means of apuppet government, among others, China’s current strategy toward its neighboring countries can wellbe explained with such a historical model.
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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Taiwan’s strategic relations with its neighbours : a countervailing force to rising China
- 2012
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Ingår i: European perspectives on Taiwan. - Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. - 9783531943039 ; , s. 107-124
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The international status of Taiwan/Republic of China (ROC) has been weaker since the day that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was recognized as “the sole legitimate government of China” at the United Nations (UN) in 1971, an action which was consequently followed by many other countries. Thus, whether Taiwan can still maintain its de facto sovereignty or not, hinges on its strategic relations with other nations who value Taiwan’s security and international legitimacy and, since, for strategic reasons, China could also potentially be motivated to impose unification by force, Taiwan regards the United States as a particularly important guarantor of security. However, China’s rapid rise, in terms of military power, economic factors and trade, has begun to be perceived as challenging U.S. hegemony in the Asia Pacific so that the ways in which other states react to the increasingly competitive relationship between the United States and China, and particularly the potential U.S.-China clash over Taiwan, have become matters of critical concern, as are Taiwan’s strategic relations with its immediate neighbors: Japan, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the European Union (EU).
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| 22. |
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| 23. |
- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(författare)
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‘Time for Conflict Prevention Across the Taiwan Strait’
- 2008
-
Ingår i: China Brief. ; 8:7
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In the 2008 presidential election, the Nationalist KMT has regained the government control in Taiwan. But this does not resolve the fundamental dilemma between Beijing´s one-China principle and Taipei´s claim of de facto sovereignty. The US-China co-management, a prevailing concept among pro-Beijing scholars and government officials, has been counter-productive in the longer-term in its efforts to muddle through the situation. More creative and innovative approach is needed to solve the cross-Strait relationship problem in a fundamental and sustainable manner.
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| 24. |
- Lalander, Rickard
(författare)
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Retorno de los Runakuna : Cotacachi y Otavalo
- 2010. - 1
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- En 1996 el movimiento político Pachakutik –asociado a la confederación indígena CONAIE- participó electoralmente por primera vez y desde entonces el movimiento indígena se ha establecido como una importante fuerza a nivel local, entre otros, en Cotacachi y Otavalo. Estos dos cantones se identifican como la cuna intelectual del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano. En este libro se analiza el proceso político local desde las perspectivas indígenas, principalmente durante el período entre 1996 y 2010. Un enfoque principal está en lo que el autor denomina el dilema intercultural del movimiento indigena, es decir, los desafíos político-electorales asociados a la interculturalidad y las alianzas establecidas más allá de la definición étnica. Igualmente se problematizan analíticamente las implicaciones de los avances del movimiento político del Presidente Rafael Correa a partir de 2006 dentro del movimiento indígena. Asimismo, se examina el faccionalismo dentro de las organizaciones indígenas en Cotacachi y Otavalo. A través del análisis de las percepciones e interpretaciones por parte de los actores indígenas, se intenta captar la dinámica y las tensiones dentro de esta complejidad al nivel cantonal. Es extremadamente importante ofrecer espacio académico a los protagonistas políticos. Por ende, metodológicamente, se incluye una gran cantidad de entrevistas con los actores. La segunda parte del libro consiste en una selección de 16 conversaciones entre el autor y destacados personajes indígenas, entre otros, los tres alcaldes protagonistas del estudio; Auki Tituaña y Alberto Anrango en Cotacachi, así como Mario Conejo en Otavalo, lo que por sí contribuye a llenar un vacío de documentación académica del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano y la historia política local.Rickard Lalander es politólogo, Doctor y Catedrático en Estudios Latinoamericanos, investigador y profesor en las universidades de Helsinki y Estocolmo. Es investigador asociado de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Quito. En Ecuador ha colaborado con la FLACSO, el Centro Andino de Acción Popular/CAAP y la Escuela de Gobierno y Políticas Públicas para las Nacionalidades y Pueblos del Ecuador/ESGOPP. Es autor de Suicide of the Elephants? Venezuelan Decentralization between Partyarchy and Chavismo (2004), editor y co-autor de Política y Sociedad en la Venezuela del Chavismo (2006) y ha publicado ampliamente sobre la democracia en los países andinos, inclusive varios artículos sobre el movimiento indígena ecuatoriano.
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| 25. |
- Swain, Ashok, 1965-, et al.
(författare)
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Stability and Sustainability in Peace Building Systems and the Environment
- 2009
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The chapter aims to highlight the importance of efficient management of environment in providing stable and sustainable peace to a post conflict society. An attempt has been made to give selected cases where sustainable economic development is neglected in post conflict peace building systems. Finally, there are three policy recommendations provided for how to address and successfully overcome the threats to sustainable peace – hence, how sustained stability can be brought into post-conflict projects.
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| 26. |
- Eriksson Baaz, Maria, 1971-, et al.
(författare)
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The Complexity of Violence : A critical analysis of sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
- 2010
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This report, the first in Sida’s gender-based violence series, draws on an original case study, including extensive interviews with members of thearmed forces in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). By critically exploring and convincingly challenging existing stereotypes and narratives about sexual violence in conflict settings, the authors reveal the need for a nuanced understanding of SGBV, including its invisible victims. Their analysis transcends reductionist explanations that separate SGBV from other forms of violence that afflict war-torn societies, and haunt post-war contexts. They thus provide invaluable insights into the complex circumstances in which SGBV occurs.
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| 27. |
- Carbin, Maria, 1972-
(författare)
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Mellan tystnad och tal : Flickor och hedersvåld i svensk offentlig politik
- 2010
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis examines the contestations around the question of how violence against young women from ethnic minorities was articulated in Swedish public policy debates from 1995-2008. One core question investigated in this study is how the “new” problem of co called honour killings is categorised and understood within gender equality policies against violence and policies of immigrant integration. The thesis explores how different discourses compete and negotiate to make sense of the violence and try to stabilise meaning. Another aim of the thesis concerns the construction of available subject positions for young women, and the potential effects in terms of possibilities and restrictions for subjects to speak politically. The research material consists of parliamentary debates, major government documents, official government inquiries into integration and gender equality, as well as documents from the Swedish Integration Board and the County Administrative Boards. The analysis draws upon discourse theory and feminist postcolonial theory to explore what positions are made available to young women in policy discourses. Four competing discourses are identified: a multicultural discourse, a discourse of value-clashes, a discourse of structural discrimination and finally a gender power-discourse. However, in policies against honour related violence the violence is primarily understood as originating in a cultural and value-based heritage of certain immigrant communities. This study furthermore illustrates how girls are required to speak and make testimonies on their situation. The ways the stories of the girls are used make them into boundary markers between Swedish and non-Swedish. It is argued that letting the girls speak and listen to them might make it possible to understand some of the potential problems they face. Nevertheless, it might not form an agenda for changing the bigger political picture.
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| 28. |
- Waltman, Max
(författare)
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Prohibiting Purchase of Sex in Sweden : Impact, Obstacles, Potential, and Supporting Escape
- 2010
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This paper analyzes the core reasons for the Swedish law from 1999 which criminalizes purchase of sex and decriminalizes the prostituted person, passed as part of an omnibus bill against violence against women and recognizing prostitution as a form of it. Further, it documents the law’s impact by comparing data from several recent Swedish studies with the situation in other relevant countries, concluding the law has significantly reduced the occurrence of prostitution manifolds compared to its neighboring countries. Crucial obstacles to effective implementation are also addressed, particularly in current case law. Some of the critique against the law and disinformation about the law’s effects are also commented. Finally, to realize its full potential to support escape from prostitution more efficiently, it is argued that the civil rights of prostituted persons under current law should be strengthened to get damages paid for directly by the tricks/johns for the harm they have contributed to. An additional consideration is for individual states to extend the use of the Palermo Protocol (international law acknowledging connections between prostitution and sex trafficking) to charge tricks for trafficking when they “receive” persons who are effectively pimped.
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| 29. |
- Likić-Brborić, Branka, 1956-, et al.
(författare)
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Labour rights as human rights? : trajectories in the global governance of migration
- 2015. - 1
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Ingår i: Migration, precarity, and global governance. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780198728863 ; , s. 223-244
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this chapter Branka Likić-Brborić addresses the emerging global governance of migration. She scrutinizes the structuring of human and labour rights discourses and contingencies for their institutionalisation and implementation by discussing their prospects for the promotion of global social justice. Issues of accountability and contingencies for the implementation of labour and human rights as migrants’ rights are discussed in the wider context of the existing global governance architecture. The chapter questions assumptions that setting up a workable model for codification and institutionalisation of labour standards, human rights and migrants’ rights could be left to a currently asymmetric global governance regime or to a variety of codes of corporate social responsibility. Global and regional trade union confederations and other civil society organizations have an essential role in repositioning a rights-based approach to migration, labour standards and development onto the terrain of a just globalisation.
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| 30. |
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En brokig gemenskap
- 2017
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- En brokig gemenskap presenterar huvudresultaten från 2016 års västsvenska SOM-undersökning. I fokus för undersökningen står Västra Götalands invånare och deras upplevelser av hur det är att leva och verka i Västsverige. Titeln knyter an till de resultat och analyser som redovisas i boken, men också till de likheter och olikheter som präglar gemenskapen i Västra Götalands olika delar. Några av de frågor som analyseras är medborgarnas bedömningar av regional och kommunal service, erfarenheter av arbetsliv och upplevelser av mångkultur. Kulturvanor, medborgaraktivism och cirkulär ekonomi är andra områden som ligger i bokens blickfång. Flera kapitel innehåller jämförelser med tidigare års västsvenska SOM-undersökningar och med de nationella SOM-undersökningarna. I En brokig gemenskap, den 71:a forskarantologin från SOM-institutet, bidrar forskare från olika discipliner vid Göteborgs universitet och Högskolan i Borås med analyser av det västsvenska samhället. Boken innehåller också en metod- dokumentation av 2016 års västsvenska SOM-undersökning.
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
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| 33. |
- Levin, Paul T., 1972-
(författare)
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The Swedish Model of Public Administration : Separation of Powers, Swedish Style
- 2010
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Ingår i: Journal of Administration and Governance. - Melbourne, Australia : Network of Asia Pacific Schools and Institutes of Public Administration and Governance (NAPSIPAG). - 1834-352X. ; 4:1, s. 38-46
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In recent years, the so-called “Swedish Model” has received a great deal of attention in Asia. In this context, it is interesting to consider whether there is such a thing as a recognizable Swedish model, not the least when it comes to public administration. This article investigates Swedish structures of public administration with this aim, finding three characteristics that, in combination, distinguish it from most other systems. It argues that Swedish public administration is characterized by a high degree of openness and accountability, a higher degree of autonomy for civil servants than can be found almost anywhere else, and a far-reaching decentralization of political authority to regions and municipalities, the scope of which is unusual in unitary states. While not constituting an exhaustive depiction of Swedish public administration, these three features together arguably define a distinctive Swedish model of public administration.
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| 34. |
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Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling : tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet
- 2011. - 1
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling - Tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet samlar texter från doktorander och forskare knutna till Forskarskolan Offentlig verksamhet i utveckling (FOVU) vid Örebro Universitet. Antologin erbjuder en mångdisciplinär och omfångsrik behandling av en rad viktiga utmaningar för dagens offentlig verksamhet. I boken behandlas ämnen som korruption, jämställdhet, trygghet, medborgardialog, sjukskrivning och högerextremism. Målsättningen med boken är att skapa en bro mellan inomvetenskapliga debatter, offentlig praktik och politik. Här erbjuds kortare texter som på ett överskådligt sätt angriper praktikrelevanta ämnen utan att göra avkall på den vetenskapliga kvaliteten. Vissa texter erbjuder forskningsöversikter och reder ut oklarheter i teoretiska debatter, medan andra presenterar resultat av empirisk forskning.
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| 35. |
- Ullström, Anna, 1978-
(författare)
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Medierna ökar pressen : De politiska staberna om medialiseringen och Regeringskansliets vardag
- 2008
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Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift. - Malmö : Fahlbeckska stiftelsen. - 0039-0747. ; :4
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Media and the Swedish Government Office. The Ministerial Staff about the impact of Medialization. This article examines the relationship between media and the partisan ministerial staff of the Government Office. The main objective of the article is to make a contribution to the knowledge about and comprehension of how medialization has affected the work of the partisan ministerial staff. The article is empirically based on four focus groups, with respectively ministers, secretaries of state, political advisors and press secretaries working under the third Persson government (2002-2006). The article demonstrates that media management is an area that The Government Office was not originally adapted for. Therefore media and communication do not enter into the existing routines and formal decision-making processes of the organization. As a result, media challenge both the process behind the government’s collective decision-making and the up-holding of the impression that the government decides collectively. Thus, there is a need for complementary routines for the contacts between the partisan staff and the civil servants.
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| 36. |
- Ullström, Anna, 1978-
(författare)
-
Styrning bakom kulisserna : Regeringskansliets politiska staber och regeringens styrningskapacitet
- 2011
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis analyses one of the less explored areas of Swedish politics: the political appointees in the ministerial staffs of the Swedish core executive. The study draws attention to the everyday life of the ministerial staff in order to give an idea of their function: What do the political appointees do? How is the work of the ministerial staffs organized? How is policy coordinated at the political level? The main empirical focus of this thesis is the 2002-2006 term of office. The study contributes to an understanding of the role of political advisers in steering and policy making, and, in the light of this, their potential influence on the policy capacity of the government is considered. Political advisers occupy an ambiguous place within the political system. They play a vital political role, but their presence also challenges the traditional relationship between ministers and public servants. The study shows that political advisers certainly have a leeway to participate in the steering of the ministry's civil servants: they can be said to have a number of steering functions. At the same time, it is made clear that this does not mean that the political advisers are in the position to influence government policy to any great extent. In conclusion, it is suggested that the ministerial staffs do have importance for the government's policy capacity in the sense that they reduce the work load of both the minister and the state secretary and thereby make space for them to govern. The research questions are answered by means of empirical material gathered through a combination of methods, providing data with a range as well as depth and context rarely found in studies of core executives: a survey, participatory observations, focus groups and a series of interviews. The dissertation demonstrates that the ethnographic method is a useful tool for anyone who seeks to highlight and explain the relationships within political organizations.
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| 37. |
- Ahlborg, Helene, 1980, et al.
(författare)
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Provision of electricity to African households : The importance of democracy and institutional quality
- 2015
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Ingår i: Energy Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0301-4215 .- 1873-6777. ; 87, s. 125-135
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How can differences in per capita household electricity consumption across African countries be understood? Based on theories that highlight the importance of democracy and institutional quality for provision of public goods, the aim of the paper is to analyse the degree to which the level of per capita household electricity consumption in African countries can be attributed to the countries’ democratic status and their institutional quality. We rely on regression analysis employing a pooled data set for 44 African countries over the time period 1996–2009. The analysis shows that democracy and institutional quality both have significant positive effects on per capita household consumption of electricity. Our results have implications for how energy sector reforms are promoted in developing countries. At a more general level they illustrate that institution-building policy efforts are relevant also in areas where contemporary debates have tended to primarily centre on economic development, financial prerequisites and ownership issues.
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| 38. |
- Björling, Nils, 1979, et al.
(författare)
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Politics of the rurban void
- 2023
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Ingår i: Space and Polity. - : Routledge. - 1470-1235 .- 1356-2576. ; In Press
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- City-centric planning in Sweden has led to the dominance of stereotyped visions for both urban and rural areas within policy and planning practice. To challenge such a limited understanding, this study conceptualizes the rurban void. The aim of this article is to operationalize the rurban void as an analytical framework that extends beyond the urban and rural conceptual divide and can clarify how a neoliberal and city-centric planning practice in Sweden de-politicizes the urban and rural outside. The article discusses the potentials of a perspective that challenges urban privilege and opens up opportunities for the re-politicisation of spatial transformation.
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| 39. |
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| 40. |
- Bremberg, Niklas, 1978-, et al.
(författare)
-
Global Responses to Climate Security : Discourses, Institutions and Actions
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Journal of Peacebuilding and Development. - : Sage Publications. - 1542-3166 .- 2165-7440. ; 17:3, s. 341-356
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Research suggests that International Organizations (IOs) are getting more involved in efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate-related security risks in different parts of the world. However, there is still a limited understanding of how discourse and action on climate security develop and diffuse in and across different institutional settings in various policy fields and geographical contexts. This article aims to contribute to advancing the research agenda by outlining an analytical framework that helps structure comparison across IOs along three key dimensions: (a) discursive framing; (b) institutional design; and (c) policy actions. To illustrate how the framework can be used in empirical analyses the article discusses findings from previous research. This is not only relevant to highlight the framework’s analytical usefulness as it also shows the relevance of these research findings for practitioners and decision-makers engaged in efforts to enhance the role of IOs in global governance of climate security—and across the humanitarian-development-peacebuilding nexus.
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| 41. |
- Falk, Petter
(författare)
-
Towards a Public Sector Data Culture : Data as an Individual and Communal Resource in Progressing Democracy
- 2021
-
Ingår i: SpringerBriefs in Applied Sciences and Technology. - Cham : Springer Science+Business Media B.V.. ; , s. 35-45, s. 35-45
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- An increased use of data has swept through many policy areas and shaped procedural and substantive policy instruments. Hence, citizens and governments, as both producers and consumers of data, become intertwined in even more complex ways. But the inherent logic of data-driven services and systems sometimes challenges the prerequisites and ideals of liberal democracy. Though a democratically sound data-practice and data-culture is crucial for ensuring a democratic usage of citizens data, discourse tends to overlook these aspects. Drawing on insights from the project Democracy Data, this chapter explores the opportunities and obstacles for establishing democratically oriented public sector data cultures.
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| 42. |
- Jernnäs, Maria, et al.
(författare)
-
Cross-national patterns of governance mechanisms in nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement
- 2019
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Ingår i: Climate Policy. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1469-3062 .- 1752-7457. ; 19:10, s. 1239-1249
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The continuous submission and scaling-up of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) constitutes a key feature of the Paris Agreement. In their NDCs, states propose governance mechanisms for implementation of climate action, in turn distinguishing appropriate roles for the state in climate governance. Clarity on Parties’ suggested roles for the state makes explicit assumptions on the premise of climate policy, in turn contributing to enhanced transparency in negotiations on the scaling-up of NDCs. This also speaks to ongoing debates on roles for the state in climate governance literature. This article identifies the governance mechanisms proposed by states in their NDCs and the roles for the state envisioned by those governance mechanisms, and also examines how cross-national patterns of roles for the state break or converge with conventional patterns of international politics. The analysis shows that states propose a plurality of roles, which to different extents may be complementary or conflictual. We conclude that income, region, and the Annexes under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are important for understanding suggested roles for the state, but that there are nuances to be further explored. We argue that this paper has three key findings: i) a majority of states rely on market mechanisms to implement their NDCs while rules on implementation and assessment of market mechanisms are still an outstanding issue in the negotiations, meaning that resolving this issue will be essential; ii) the process for evaluating and assessing qualitative governance mechanisms needs to be specified; and iii) increased awareness of differing views on the state’s roles makes explicit different perspectives on what constitutes an ambitious and legitimate contribution to combating climate change.
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| 43. |
-
Legitimacy in global governance : sources, processes, and consequences
- 2018
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
- Legitimacy is central for the capacity of global governance institutions to address problems such as climate change, trade protectionism, and human rights abuses. However, despite legitimacy’s importance for global governance, its workings remain poorly understood. That is the core concern of this volume: to develop an agenda for systematic and comparative research on legitimacy in global governance. In complementary fashion, the chapters address different aspects of the overarching question: whether, why, how, and with what consequences global governance institutions gain, sustain, and lose legitimacy. The volume makes four specific contributions. First, it argues for a sociological approach to legitimacy, centered on perceptions of legitimate global governance among affected audiences. Second, it moves beyond the traditional focus on states as the principal audience for legitimacy in global governance and considers a full spectrum of actors from governments to citizens. Third, it advocates a comparative approach to the study of legitimacy in global governance, and suggests strategies for comparison across institutions, issue areas, countries, societal groups, and time. Fourth, the volume offers the most comprehensive treatment so far of the sociological legitimacy of global governance, covering three broad analytical themes: (1) sources of legitimacy, (2) processes of legitimation and delegitimation, and (3) consequences of legitimacy.
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| 44. |
-
Regntunga skyar
- 2020
-
Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Dystra prognoser från 2010-talets sista nationella SOM-undersökning. Fler än någonsin ansåg att Sverige var på väg åt fel håll, oron tilltog och brottslighet klättrade på dagordningen. Samtidigt duggade rapporter om oåterkalleliga hot mot klimatet tätt. Hur påverkas vårt vardagsliv, vår hälsa och vår politik av dessa mörka moln? Regntunga skyar innehåller trettio kapitel forskaranalyser, sprungna ur resultaten från 2019 års nationella SOM-undersökning. Analyserna visar hur opinion och vanor och utvecklats och förändrats på en uppsjö av olika områden, samt inte minst vad vi som samhälle tog med oss in i det än så länge turbulenta 2020-talet.
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| 45. |
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| 46. |
-
Supporting African peace operations
- 2012
-
Proceedings (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The Nordic Africa Institute, the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation and the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs hosted a seminar in Uppsala, Sweden, on 15 and 16 December 2011, that brought together AU, EU and UN officials closely involved in peace operations in Africa. The seminar’s purpose was to allow participants to compare their experiences of the different support models that have been used to date in Sudan and Somalia. International support for African peace operations provides opportunities but also poses challenges. This report examines four of these challenges in some detail: the AU Commission’s limited capacity to plan and manage peace operations; insufficient political engagement by African member states with AU peace operations; the short-termism and self-interest of some of the AU’s partners; and the need for UN Security Council permanent members to value and ensure a shared AU-UN strategic vision. The report also includes policy recommendations for resolving these challenges.
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| 47. |
- Towns, Ann E., 1970-
(författare)
-
Norms and social hierarchies : Understanding international policy diffusion "from below"
- 2012
-
Ingår i: International Organization. - 0020-8183 .- 1531-5088. ; 66:2, s. 179-209
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article aims to rethink the operation of norms in international policy diffusion. Norms do not simply standardize state behaviors, as is conventionally argued; norms also draw on and set up hierarchical social orders among states. Through a conceptual rethinking we gain a better understanding of where-among which states-new policies may first emerge: social hierarchies create incentives for new policies to develop at the margins of international society so that policies may diffuse "from below." We also get a better grasp of how policy advocates frame the appropriateness or benefits of a new state practice: they must frame policy demands in terms of the international standing and rank of the targeted state. This article's empirical aspiration is to use these insights to help account for the international policy diffusion of legal sex quotas, a policy to increase the level of female legislators that developed first among "developing" states rather than among the so-called core of international society. By pointing to the link between norms and social hierarchy, the article helps account for policy diffusion "from below." © 2012 The IO Foundation.
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| 48. |
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| 49. |
- Britz, Malena, 1972-
(författare)
-
The Role of Marketization in the Europeanization of Defense Industry Policy
- 2010
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Ingår i: Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society. - : SAGE Publications. - 0270-4676 .- 1552-4183. ; 30:3, s. 176-184
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- European integration has increased to encompass security-related policies. One such policy is defense industry policy, which traditionally has been a national concern rooted in defense and security policy. Efforts have been made since the 1990s to create a European defense industry market. However, there have been different ideas of how this goal should be achieved or which model for state–industry relations the market should rest on. Using Sweden to illustrate the development, this article argues that for the Europeanization of defense industry policy, marketization has played a vital role. Building on official documents and interviews, the article analyzes the efforts to create a European defense industry market, marketization of Swedish defense industry policy, and the increased interaction between Swedish and European defense industry policy processes. The analysis also shows domestic challenges that the processes of Europeanization and marketization have brought about.
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| 50. |
-
Coloniality and Decolonisation in the Nordic region
- 2023
-
Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This book advances critical discussions about what coloniality, decoloniality and decolonization mean and imply in the Nordic region. It brings together analysis of complex realities from the perspectives of the Nordic peoples, a region that are often overlooked in current research, and explores the processes of decolonization that are taking place in this region. The book offers a variety of perspectives that engage with issues such as Islamic feminism and the progressive left; racialization and agency among Muslim youths; indigenizing distance language education for Sami; extractivism and resistance among the Sami; the Nordic international development endeavour through education; Swedish TV-reporting on Venezuela; creolizing subjectivities across Roma and non-Roma worlds and hierarchies; and the whitewashing and sanitization of decoloniality in the Nordic region. As such, this book extends much of the productive dialogue that has recently occurred internationally in decolonial thinking but also in the areas of critical race theory, whiteness studies, and postcolonial studies to concrete and critical problems in the Nordic region. This should make the book of considerable interest to scholars of history of ideas, anthropology, sociology, cultural studies, postcolonial studies, international development studies, legal sociology and (intercultural) philosophy with an interest in coloniality and decolonial social change.
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