21411. |
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21412. |
- Köpsén, Johanna, 1984-
(författare)
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Employers placing orders and students as commodities : Swedish post-secondary vocational education and training policy
- 2022
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Ingår i: Journal of Vocational Education and Training. - : Routledge. - 1363-6820 .- 1747-5090. ; 74:2, s. 167-186
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Established in 2009, Swedish Higher Vocational Education (HVE) gives employers an opportunity to initiate state-funded but locally conceptualised and managed training programmes. This article investigates the system, the ideas used in policy to mandate this arrangement of vocational education and training (VET) and the institutional relations of power and control between stakeholders that it represents. Fourteen Swedish educational policy documents relating to post-secondary VET and the establishment of HVE were analysed. The findings show that policy has placed much of the power and control over HVE with employers and that both public and private education providers are dependent on employers. The system does not create any institutional relations between trade unions and HVE. Nor does it encourage employers to collaborate more comprehensively than locally regarding single programmes, to conceptualise them and their curricula. Hence, the qualifications and positions of HVE graduates in enterprises, unlike those of graduates from initial VET in upper secondary education, are not negotiated by the stakeholders in the conventional Swedish model, where national employers’ organisations and trade unions are central actors. The findings also reveal that the HVE students, in policy documents, are construed as input material that, through training, are turned into products with exchange value–into commodities.
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21413. |
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21414. |
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21415. |
- Laakso, Liisa, 1961-
(författare)
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Electoral Violence and Political Competition in Africa
- 2019
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Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. - Oxford : Oxford University Press.
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Electoral violence in Africa has garnered a lot of attention in research on African politics. Violence can be the result of manipulation of the electoral process or a reaction to that manipulation. While there is an agreement to distinguish it from the wider political violence by its timing with elections and motivation to influence their outcome, the analysis of its types, content, and impacts varies. There are different assessments of whether repetition of elections reduces violence or not. Elections in Africa are more often marred with violence than elections in other continents, but there is lots of variation between African countries, within countries, and even from one election to another. In addition to well-judged use and development of the existing datasets, qualitative methods and case studies are also needed. Much of the literature combines both approaches. In the analysis of the factors, causes, and contexts of electoral violence, researchers utilize distinct frameworks: emphasizing historical experiences of violence, patrimonial rule and the role of the “big man,” political economy of greed and grievance, as well as weak institutions and rule of law. All of them point to intensive competition for state power. Preelection violence often relates to the strategies of the government forces and their supporters using their powers to manipulate the process, while post-election riots typically follow in the form of spontaneous reactions among the ranks of the losing opposition. Elections are not a cause of the intensive power competition but a way to organize it. Thus, electoral violence is not an anomaly but rather a manifestation of the ongoing struggle for free and fair elections. It will be an issue for researchers and practitioners alike in the future as well
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21416. |
- Laakso, Liisa
(författare)
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Political science in Africa : freedom, relevance and impact
- 2024
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Ingår i: Political science in Africa. - London ; Uppsala : Zed Books ; Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. - 9781350299498 - 9781350299504 - 9781350299511 - 9781350299528 - 9781350299535 ; , s. 1-12
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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21417. |
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21418. |
- Laaksoharju, Mikael, et al.
(författare)
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Democracy, human fallibility and ICT
- 2013
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Ingår i: The possibilities of ethical ICT. - Kolding : University of Southern Denmark. - 9788792646729 ; , s. 295-301
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- Participation of citizens in matters of policy is important for a well-functioning democracy. Many scholars have suggested deliberative democracy as a suitable model for this. However, concern for groups with weak interest in participating raise some doubt whether this really will be more democratic in the end. In this essay we outline a theoretical model for designing ICT systems so that they stimulate and train democratic dialogue. The model is based on psychological research on decision making and a definition of democracy as a dialectic process, and can be applied to practically any forum where ideas are exchanged.
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21419. |
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21420. |
- Lachapelle, Jean, 1982, et al.
(författare)
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Social Revolution and Authoritarian Durability
- 2020
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Ingår i: World Politics. - : Project Muse. - 0043-8871 .- 1086-3338. ; 72:4, s. 557-600
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores the causes of authoritarian durability. Why do some authoritarian regimes survive for decades, often despite severe crises, while others collapse quickly, even absent significant challenges? Based on an analysis of all authoritarian regimes between 1900 and 2015, the authors argue that regimes founded in violent social revolution are especially durable. Revolutionary regimes, such as those in Russia, China, Cuba, and Vietnam, endured for more than half a century in the face of strong external pressure, poor economic performance, and large-scale policy failures. The authors develop and test a theory that accounts for such durability using a novel data set of revolutionary regimes since 1900. The authors contend that autocracies that emerge out of violent social revolution tend to confront extraordinary military threats, which lead to the development of cohesive ruling parties and powerful and loyal security apparatuses, as well as to the destruction of alternative power centers. These characteristics account for revolutionary regimes' unusual longevity.
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