1. |
- Andersson, Per F., et al.
(författare)
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Crises, investments, and political institutions
- 2018
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Ingår i: Journal of Theoretical Politics. - : SAGE Publications. - 0951-6298 .- 1460-3667. ; 30:4, s. 410-430
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- On the basis of a game-theoretic model, this paper argues that governments typically manage crises more effectively in systems where political power is concentrated in a single party, but they are more likely to make investments in future welfare in systems where political power is shared among several parties. The paper makes two contributions. First of all, it shows that both crisis-management failures and investment failures can be explained by a common mechanism: an inter-temporal commitment problem that arises from the inability of political agents to commit to future policy choices. Second, it shows that power-sharing institutions are often associated with more effective government than power-concentration institutions, in contrast to much of the normative literature in comparative politics, in which power-sharing institutions are often justified on other grounds, such as representativeness, responsiveness, or social cohesion. In a world where crises dominate, power-concentration institutions typically perform better; in a world where investment problems dominate, power-sharing institutions typically perform better.
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2. |
- Brambor, Thomas, et al.
(författare)
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The Lay of the Land: Information Capacity and the Modern State
- 2016
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Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Relying on three new indicators of the information capacity of states, this paper provides new evidence on the ability of states to collect and process information about the territories and populations that they govern. The three indicators are (a) the availability of a reliable census, (b) the establishment of a permanent government agency tasked with processing statistical information about the territory and the population, and (c) the regular release of statistical yearbooks. We find, as expected, that there has been a secular increase in information capacity over time. We also investigate salient differences among countries from the early 1800s onward.
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3. |
- Ingesson, Tony, et al.
(författare)
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The Martial Origins of Democracy : A Global Study of Military Conscription and Suffrage Extensions Since the Napoleonic Wars
- 2018
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Ingår i: Democratization. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 25:4, s. 633-651
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article examines the relationship between conscription (the compulsory enlistment of civilians for military service) and democracy. Using the best available cross-country comparable data on the history of conscription and democracy, we demonstrate that there is an empirical relationship between conscription and democratization, but the relationship is more complicated than commonly believed. Specifically, we find that conscription increases the likelihood of male suffrage extensions, but only in wartime (when the conscript army is mobilized). We find no relationship between conscription and democratization apart from extensions of suffrage. Nor do we find support for the hypothesis that conscription shelters democracies from coups.
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4. |
- Kalm, Sara, et al.
(författare)
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Immigration policy and the modern welfare state, 1880–1920
- 2019
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Ingår i: Journal of European Social Policy. - : SAGE Publications. - 0958-9287 .- 1461-7269. ; 29:4, s. 463-477
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.
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5. |
- Kalm, Sara, et al.
(författare)
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Social Policy and Migration Policy in the Long Nineteenth Century
- 2016
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Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The relationship between international migration and the welfare state is a hotly contested topic: some scholars argue that migration will, in the long run, erode support for the welfare state; others argue that the welfare state has inherent qualities that insulate it from such erosion. We place this debate in historical perspective by exploring the period when the latent tension between cross-border mobility and locally or nationally defined social rights first emerged. Specifically, we investigate the relationship between national social policy ambitions and migration controls in two periods: 1830–1890 (an era of pre-welfare-state social policy mainly structured around locally based poor relief) and 1890–1914 (the period when the social-insurance welfare state began spread, starting in Germany in the previous decade). The puzzle that motivates our paper is that barriers to movement were abolished in Europe precisely when the state began to define itself as a nation state and increased its capacity to take on greater social responsibilities for its citizens. We investigate whether higher social-welfare efforts resulted in the introduction or strengthening of internal exclusions (reduced rights for immigrants). We also investigate the relationship between social-welfare effort and external exclusions (barriers to entry). We rely on a migration-policy data set that was developed by Peters (2015), which we have expanded to include 18 countries in Europe and the Americas for which data on poor relief (the early part of the period) and the introduction of social insurances (the later part of the period) are available; we have also complemented Peters’s data with additional information about specific migration-policy instruments.
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6. |
- Lindvall, Johannes
(författare)
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Bråk istället för bevakning
- 2016
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Ingår i: Sydsvenskan. - 1652-814X.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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7. |
- Lindvall, Johannes
(författare)
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Economic Downturns and Political Competition Since the 1870s
- 2017
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Ingår i: Journal of Politics. - : University of Chicago Press. - 0022-3816 .- 1468-2508. ; 79:4, s. 1302-1314
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Relying on new data on the ideology of heads of government in 27 democracies over a period of more than 140 years, this article shows that short economic downturns, with a single year of falling per capita consumption, have more often resulted in shifts to the right than shifts to the left. But long-lasting economic downturns, with more than one consecutive year of falling consumption, are different, since they tend to affect a much greater proportion of the population: compared with short downturns, which favor the right, long downturns have more uniform political effects.
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8. |
- Lindvall, Johannes
(författare)
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Problematiskt oskick
- 2015
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Ingår i: Sydsvenskan. - 1652-814X.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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9. |
- Lindvall, Johannes, et al.
(författare)
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Public opinion, party politics, and the welfare state
- 2018
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Ingår i: Welfare Democracies and Party Politics : Explaining Electoral Dynamics in Times of Changing Welfare Capitalism - Explaining Electoral Dynamics in Times of Changing Welfare Capitalism. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780198807971 ; , s. 89-118
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter examines the long-run relationship between public opinion, party politics, and the welfare state. It argues that when large parties receive a clear signal concerning the median voter’s position on the welfare state, vote-seeking motivations dominate and the large parties in the party system converge on the position of the median voter. When the position of the median voter is more difficult to discern, however, policy-seeking motivations dominate, and party positions diverge. This argument implies that the effects of government partisanship on welfare state policy are more ambiguous than generally understood. The countries covered in the chapter are Denmark, France, Germany, Norway and the United Kingdom (going back to the 1960s). The number of observations is (necessarily) limited, but the diverse cases illustrate a common electoral dynamic centered around the position of the median voter.
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10. |
- Lindvall, Johannes, et al.
(författare)
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State Capacity as Power: A Conceptual Framework
- 2016
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Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This paper reviews the growing literature on “state capacity” in political science and related disciplines and proposes a new conceptualization of state capacity. The paper argues that most existing definitions and theories of state capacity are too closely tailored to explaining a particular set of outcomes – such as economic growth – which limits the applicability of the concept of state capacity arbitrarily and impedes theory development. The idea behind our own conceptualization is that state capacity can be defined as the strength of the causal relationship between the policies that governments adopt and the outcomes that they intend to achieve. We show that this definition makes the concept of state capacity fit in well in a larger family of concepts. We then proceed to develop a theoretical argument about the resources that states deploy in order to increase state capacity – especially financial resources, human capital, and information – and we examine the relationship between these resources and the three main types of policy instruments that states rely on when they seek to control territories and populations: coercion, economic incentives, and propaganda.
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