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- Allwood, Carl Martin, 1952, et al.
(författare)
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Does consulting with others affect answerability judgments of difficult questions?
- 2016
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Ingår i: Social Influence. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1553-4510 .- 1553-4529. ; 11:1, s. 40-53
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- People's judgments of the answerability of questions relating to how things are in the world can have important consequences for society and people's lives. Thirty-one individuals and 30 pairs made answerability judgments of 20 general knowledge questions, many with less known, or unknown, answers. Four questions had high expected consensus regarding their answerability (consensus questions) and the rest had less expected consensus with respect to their answerability (non-consensus questions). The pairs showed two polarization effects: pairs gave higher answerability ratings for questions with answerability ratings over 80% and lower ratings than individuals for questions with the lower answerability ratings. Stronger consensus-seeking tendencies and a more active memory environment in the pairs may have contributed to these results.
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| 2. |
- Karlsson, Bodil, 1974, et al.
(författare)
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Does Anyone Know the Answer to that Question? Individual Differences in Judging Answerability
- 2016
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Ingår i: Frontiers in Psychology. - : Frontiers Media SA. - 1664-1078. ; 6
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Occasionally people may attempt to judge whether a question can be answered today, or if not, if it can be answered in the future. For example, a person may consider whether enough is known about the dangers of living close to a nuclear plant, or to a major electricity cable, for them to be willing to do so, and state-authorities may consider whether questions about the dangers of new technologies have been answered, or in a reasonable future can be, for them to be willing to invest money in research aiming develop such technologies. A total of 476 participants, for each of 22 knowledge questions, either judged whether it was answerable today (current answerability), or judged when it could be answered (future answerability). The knowledge questions varied with respect to the expected consensus concerning their answerability: consensus questions (high expected consensus), non-consensus questions (lower expected consensus), and illusion questions (formulated to appear answerable, but with crucial information absent). The questions' judged answerability level on the two scales was highly correlated. For both scales, consensus questions were rated more answerable than the non-consensus questions, with illusion questions falling in-between. The result for the illusion questions indicates that a feeling of answerability can be created even when it is unlikely that somebody can come up with an answer. The results also showed that individual difference variables influenced the answerability judgments. Higher levels of belief in certainty of knowledge, mankind's knowledge, and mankind's efficacy were related to judging the non-consensus questions as more answerable. Participants rating the illusion questions as answerable rated the other answerability questions as more, or equally, answerable compared to the other participants and showed tendencies to prefer a combination of more epistemic default processing and less intellectual processing.
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| 3. |
- Karlsson, Bodil, 1974, et al.
(författare)
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What is the correct answer about the dress’ colors? Investigating the relation between optimism, previous experience, and answerability.
- 2016
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Ingår i: Frontiers in Psychology. - : Frontiers Media SA. - 1664-1078. ; 7
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Dress photograph, first displayed on the internet in 2015, revealed stunning individual differences in color perception. The aim of this study was to investigate if lay-persons believed that the question about The Dress colors was answerable. Past research has found that optimism is related to judgments of how answerable knowledge questions with controversial answers are (Karlsson et al., 2016). Furthermore, familiarity with a question can create a feeling of knowing the answer (Reder and Ritter, 1992). Building on these findings, 186 participants saw the photo of The Dress and were asked about the correct answer to the question about The Dress’ colors (“blue and black,” “white and gold,” “other, namely: : :,” or “there is no correct answer”). Choice of the alternative “there is no correct answer” was interpreted as believing the question was not answerable. This answer was chosen more often by optimists and by people who reported they had not seen The Dress before. We also found that among participants who had seen The Dress photo before, 19%, perceived The Dress as “white and gold” but believed that the correct answer was “blue and black.” This, in analogy to previous findings about non-believed memories (Scoboria and Pascal, 2016), shows that people sometimes do not believe the colors they have perceived are correct. Our results suggest that individual differences related to optimism and previous experience may contribute to if the judgment of the individual perception of a photograph is enough to serve as a decision basis for valid conclusions about colors. Further research about color judgments under ambiguous circumstances could benefit from separating individual perceptual experience from beliefs about the correct answer to the color question. Including the option “there is no correct answer” may also be beneficial.
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