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- Levin, Jörgen, 1961-, et al.
(författare)
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Tillväxt, inkomstfördelning och fattigdom i u-länderna
- 2001
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Ingår i: Ekonomisk debatt. - 0345-2646. ; :2, s. 105-116
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Forskningsöversikt (refereegranskat)abstract
- Denna artikel presenterar en översikt över aktuell litteratur om sambanden mellan ekonomisk tillväxt, inkomstfördelning och fattigdom. Dessutom diskuteras inverkan av ekonomisk politik på dessa tre faktorer. Slutligen dras några slutsatser om strategier för fattigdomsminskning. En viktig slutsats är att länder som är framgångsrika när det gäller ekonomisk tillväxt oftast är framgångsrika i att minska fattigdomen. Hur stor effekt tillväxten har på fattigdomen beror på vad som händer med inkomstfördelningen. Den ekonomiska politiken bör stimulera en uppbyggnad av de fattigas tillgångar och även öka efterfrågan på dem. Åtgärder för att säkra en långsiktig tillväxt av de fattigas inkomster bör dessutom kompletteras med direkta åtgärder för att hjälpa fattiga hushåll att handskas med risk. Det är dock ofta svårt att reformera den ekonomisk-politiska miljön och politiska makthavare kan vara ovilliga till att genomföra nödvändiga reformer.
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- Halleröd, Björn, 1960
(författare)
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Socialbidragstagande och fattigdom
- 2000
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Ingår i: Socialbidrag i forskning och i praktik. - Göteborg : Gothia. ; , s. 61-86
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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- Rauhut, Daniel
(författare)
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Fattigvård, socialbidrag och synen på fattigdom i Sverige 1918-1997
- 2002
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The purpose of the study is to analyse the poverty norm for single adults without children in Sweden between 1918 - 1997. The study analyses the full norm, not support given as an income supplement. The poverty norm is defined as the minimum level of a socially acceptable standard of living. The study investigates two problems: how has the poverty norm changed during the period 1918-1997 and why has the norm changed during this period? To examine the changes of the poverty norm in Sweden 1918-1997 a hypothesis is tested: the poverty norm is linked to the standard of living of the low-income earners. By linking different forms of compensation rates it is possible to estimate the poverty norm for the studied period. This study has its theoretical point of departure in the social affinity hypothesis. Social affinity is seen as a subjective feeling of social solidarity with other individuals based on income. Given that the subjective feeling of social solidarity is formed around income, the gap between the low-income earners and the middle-income rank and the gap between the middle-income ranks and the high-income earners play a central role. Thus, this assumes that the poverty norm is determined by the changes in the income situation of the low-income earners. The hypothesis tests positive for the periods 1940-1972 and 1985-1997. During the first part of the period the poverty norm is determined by market related factors, such as income and wage. But at for the period 1985-1997 the poverty norm became a political-administrative budget line determined by politicians and bureaucrats. The poverty norm has also been the subject of ideological changes during the whole period of study. During the Inter-war period the view on poverty is determined by an absolute view on poverty. Since 1939 poverty has been regarded as something relative, which has had an impact on the poverty norm. The political left advocate a relative view on poverty.
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- Cricenti, Pasquale, 1950-
(författare)
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Mellan privilegier och fattigdom : om italiensk demokrati och socialpolitik ur ett välfärdsstatsperspektiv
- 2000
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation analyses the development of democracy and the pension system in Italy in relation to the goals of a welfare state. The aim of the thesis is to determine whether Italian democracy and social policy (through the study of a specific case: the pension system) have moved towards greater equality or whether old privileges and inequalities still remain.The thesis examines the development of democracy in relation to three models - exclusive, semi-inclusive and inclusive democracy - and of the pension system in relation to three models of social policy - marginal, meritocratic (or corporative) and universal social policy. Of these, inclusive democracy and universal social policy contain the prerequisites of a welfare state. The framework of this thesis is based on the power-resources approach with a corrective borrowed from the Gramscian theory of class hegemony.An intra-regional (within the sphere of an intra-national context) comparative method is adopted with an emphasis on class and gender both within and between regions. With this method it is possible to determine the degree of equality in the country with respect to class and gender and to confirm whether this is due to regional differences in economic development or to a special type of politics.In both scholarly and political contexts it is often claimed that, owing to the ideology of the Christian Democratic Party and the Catholic Church, the Italian welfare state is a conservative one, and further that this party has used social policy to develop strong patronage structures and a political clientele.This study concludes that democracy and the pension system in Italy have not moved towards the ideals of a welfare state, that class and gender inequality are still strong, and that these inequalities cannot be explained by regional economic differences. The findings do not confirm that the existing state of affairs in Italy can be attributed solely to the long period of Christian Democratic governance but show that the Italian left - the socialist parties and the Italian Communist Party - are co-responsible for the development of politics towards privilege and patronage and consequently for pension schemes.The political traditions and institutions of the nineteenth century are still in force in Italy. The study concludes that, in spite of formal political rights, the Italian democracy is still a backward one; political power is monopolised and used as a system of patronage to create a political clientele by the same social forces within the bourgeoisie as at the beginning of democratic development. With respect to political rules, the labour market and the development of the pension system, the findings show that class inequalities and corporative and patriarchal relations still predominate in Italian society.
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