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| 2. |
- Ehn, Peter, 1954-
(författare)
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Maktens administratörer : ledande svenska statstjänstemäns och politikers syn på tjänstemannarollen i ett förändringsperspektiv
- 1998
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The overall theme for this dissertation is the position of higher Swedish civil servants in the borderland between politics and administration and between flexibility, loyalty, impartiality, and autonomy. An important assumption is that the attitudes and beliefs are especially significant in a system such as the Swedish, where civil servants may act under conditions of substantial autonomy. The dissertation is based on interviews with higher civil servants and a sample of members of the Swedish parliament. Among the civil servants the study is limited to the higher echelons in the national public administration - undersecretaries of state, assistant undersecretaries of state, and director-generals of administrative agencies. The study is comparative - comparisons are made between 1971/73 and 1990. The central instruments of analysis consist of three role conceptions of civil servants. They are constructed from three fundamental coordinating principles and are designated the judicial, the political and the market-oriented civil servant roles. In a second step, the theoretical role typology is adapted to "the practice" which is manifested in the Swedish public administration's development in a longer perspective.How the role of the civil servants in the political system was perceived, as well as the political positions, was found to be dependent on the positions of the interviewees in the politico-administrative system. This meant that the undersecretaries, irrespective of role perception, found themselves farthest to the left among the studied groups, then followed by the assistant undersecretaries and farthest right the director-generals. An exception to this rule was the politically-oriented director-generals, who were left of all the assistant undersecretaries irrespective of role perception and even to the left of the judicially-oriented undersecretaries. An important observation was that the market-oriented role of civil servants had strengthened its position over time. It could also be observed in 1990 that the undersecretaries were clearly different from their colleagues in 1971 through applying more of a political perspective of the civil servant role. The analyses showed that among the non-political civil servants - the assistant undersecretaries - the political role model had a strong position at both interview occasions. Furthermore, both politicians and civil servants showed a more negative attitude to politics and the administration. The higher civil servants had begun to waiver somewhat in their belief in themselves and the capacity of the state. The analyses of the role perception of the MPs showed that their opinions were closely connected with their political affiliation. Among social democrats and members from the Left Party (the former Communist party), the political role conception was dominating at both times and among non-socialists the judicial. An important observation when dealing with the views of the members of parliament was how surprisingly unfamiliar politicians were with the work of the public administation.
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- Elander, Ingemar
(författare)
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Policy networks and housing regeneration in England and Sweden
- 1995
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Ingår i: Urban Studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 0042-0980 .- 1360-063X. ; 32:6, s. 913-934
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- During recent decades, rented housing estates all over Europe have become the object of a flood of programmes aimed at physical and social renewal and regeneration. Drawing upon network theory, in this paper a conceptual framework is presented and tentatively applied in a comparative study of rented housing regeneration and area improvement in England and Sweden. Although the contours of broadly similar policy communities in the two countries could be found, there were also striking differences in network formation. Thus, in England the Department of the Environment seems to play a more prominent role in policy-making and implementation than its Swedish counterpart, while in Sweden the municipal housing companies, the local authorities and the tenants' organisations take part more actively in the policy process than is the case in England. Closely related to these findings it is argued that there are also some lessons for practical use that could be learnt from the analysis, although one then has to be careful not to overlook the context-bound specificities, at the national as well as the local level.
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| 4. |
- Haldén, Eva
(författare)
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Den Föreställda Förvaltningen : En institutionell historia om central skolförvaltning
- 1997
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The overall issue addressed in this thesis is that of the problematic relation between politics and administration, and more precisely the misconstrued image of a neutral and solely instrumental administration cleanly seperated from politics, rather than an administration permeated by the political. The purpose of the study is to show how the intricate interplay between the politics of education and the politics of administrative reform in combination with the particular handling of the major political conflicts over national education, in the Swedish context, over time has created a continuous identity dilemma for the National Agency for Education. Politics is here viewed primarily as the construction of meaning, and as such creating the preconditions for political action. The creation of meaning, on the other hand, is viewed as a struggle for order against ambivalence. The study takes as its point of departure the radical reform undertaken in the field of education in the early 1990's, a reform that encompassed a major transferral of responsibility for schools from the central administrative level to the local political level, the introduction of a new system of governance (MBO), replacing the one based on national control of detailed rules, as well as the dramatic dismantling of the National Agency for Education with the subsequent dismissal of all personnel, and the founding of a new Agency to replace the old one. In the process the blame for massive failures on part of the compulsory school system was put on The National Agency for Education, thus turning it into a scapegoat.The thesis is divided into two parts of which the first traces the genealogy of the scapegoat, and the second the new Agency in its struggle to create an appropriate identity, thus avoiding the fate of its predecessor. The first part of this institutional history is conducted as a discourse analysis, comprising the discursive as well as the institutional level, and the second part as an analysis of identity construction. The application of discourse analysis makes it possible to discern the discursively created preconditions of identity construction, as vital elements in both parts of the institutional history. Two subsidiary analyses are performed in the concluding chapter in order to situate the problematics of the educational sector in the wider context of the public sector as a whole, and to discuss their wider implications for policy making.
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| 5. |
- Mörkenstam, Ulf, 1964-
(författare)
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Om ”Lapparnes privilegier” : Föreställningar om samiskhet i svensk samepolitik 1883-1997
- 1999
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In discussions on the rights of minority groups, the group itself is generally taken for granted. It appears either irrelevant or timeless — unaffected by historical change and political practice. In the present thesis the role of this presumptive view of the group as a base for minority politics is problematised.The study’s point of departure is the notion that minority politics is dependent on certain conceptions of the group, in order to legitimate divergences from the ideal of equal treatment of citizens. These conceptions define what rights may be accorded to the group. However, these conceptions are also partly constituted in and through political practice, since special treatment presupposes a set of fundamental distinctions, categories and definitions to single out a particular group from the body of citizens. Groups are therefore in some respect the outcome of politics. The study investigates the relationship between conceptions of the Sami group in Swedish Sami policy and the system of special rights granted to the Sami minority between 1883 and 1997.By analysing policy problems formulated and solutions proposed in Swedish Sami policy, the dissertation makes explicit the construction of Samihood in public policy itself, its relevance for political practice and for rights accorded to the group. The study problematises dominant conceptions of Samihood in public discourse and seemingly given categories and definitions that have been institutionalised in and through a system of special rights. One analytical aspect here is the extent to which a publicly constituted Sami identity has maintained a specific relation of power between the dominant Swedish society and the Sami group.The thesis also discusses the consequences of this dependence on a certain conception of the group for the contemporary debate on minority rights in political theory. Theories about equal rights that ignore the embeddedness of the construction of political identity in power relationships are rejected, as are arguments for special rights that either receive their normative edge by taking the historically given character of minority groups for granted, or ignore the role of public policy in the constitution of minority groups. By analysing more than a century of Swedish Sami policy, a political theoretical approach is formulated regarding the question which rights should be accorded to minority groups, and for what reasons.
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| 6. |
- Riegert, Kristina, 1964-
(författare)
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"Nationalising" Foreign Conflict : Foreign Policy Orientation as a Factor in Television News Reporting
- 1998
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This study explores the notion that national television news covers foreign conflicts in ways that reflect a country's foreign policy orientation and its stance towards that particular conflict. Sweden and Britain were chosen for comparison since both are European countries with similar public service broadcasting systems, but with different foreign policy orientations and positions in the international system. Four cases were chosen to determine empirically how and to what extent aspects of these foreign policy orientations were relevant for foreign conflict news images.The theorefical frarnework sketched three types of factors which could contribute to the image of foreign conflicts in national television news: the foreign policy orientation (societal/political factors), an international media culture (media factors) and a national journalist culture (media norms in a societal context). Both quantitative and qualitative content analyses were used to test if Swedish Rapport and British 9 O´Clock News differed along four dimensions: whether they set conflicts in a superpower or regional context, whether they focused on the military or civilian aspects of the conflict, whether they gave more attention to Great Power actors or international/regional organisations, and whether they evaluated the contenders differently.The results indicate that Rapport and the 9 O´Clock News differed most in the quantity and intensity of attention to these four conflicts, This was taken to mean that journalists' notions of proximity/relevance coincided with the foreign policy relevance of these conflicts. Secondly, Rapport gave consistently more attention to the regional contexts of conflicts, to the negative aspects of the civilian reaction and situation, and the aggressor was depicted in a more negative light in all four conflicts. The 9 O'Clock News tended to include more details of the military hostilities and there was a more cautious evaluation of the aggressor than in Rapport. The four cases show that the greater the foreign policy involvement of the country, the greater the number of foreign policy aspects were employed by television news to make sense of the conflicts.The results also supported previous research emphasising international similarities in the overall narrative structure of the news. These similarities were attributed to journalistic genres for reporting armed conflict. One possible explanation for different national perspectives on these conflicts is that societal norms get "translated" into media norms. Future research should thus look more closely at the interaction between societal and media factors-different national journalist cultures, in order to fully understand the way foreign conflicts are "nationalised".
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| 8. |
- Micheletti, Michele
(författare)
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Bakom demokratin
- 1996
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Ingår i: Demokratins utmaning Politikens gränser och det civila samhällets möjligheter. - Falun : Ekerlids Förlag. ; , s. 94-103
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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