| 1. |
- Sörnsen, Lars, 1973-
(författare)
-
De olika världarna av aktivering - ett komparativt perspektiv
- 2009. - 1
-
Ingår i: Aktivering - arbetsmarknadspolitik och socialt arbete i förändring. - Malmö : Liber. - 9789147090754 ; , s. 225-249
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The book chapter compares activation policies in Sweden, Germany and the UK as three different welfare regimes. The analysis starts out from a broad perspective on activation as passive and active attempts to redesign unemployment policies with a focus on increasing the linkage between work and welfare. It is argued that activation policies differ considerably between countries, but also in regard to different groups of the unemployed according to their status within existing benefit systems. Regime differences are generally maintained, but there are signs of convergence with regard to the weakest labour market groups and welfare clients.
|
|
| 2. |
-
Välfärdspolitik i praktiken : om perspektiv och metoder i forskning
- 2007
-
Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Förändringar av människors villkor i samhället kräver nya sätt att forska. I den här antologin presenteras olika redskap för kvalitativ forskning om välfärd. I antologin utgår forskarna från redan välkända traditioner inom samhällsvetenskaplig forskning, men argumenterar inte bara för etablerade forskningsmetoder och teoretiska perspektiv inom välfärdsforskningen utan också för nya. Antologin har arbetats fram inom ramen för Nordiska Sommaruniversitetet och därmed influerats av olika forskningstraditioner som förekommer vid universitet och högskolor i Norden. Nya forskningsmetoder där människornas egna utsagor och upplevelser tillvaratas kan tolkas utifrån redan etablerade teoretiska perspektiv som fenomenologi, hermeneutik och interaktionism. De forskningsansatser som presenteras möjliggör att människor även själva är med och formulerar bilden av sina livsvillkor. I antologin visas hur forskning med dessa ansatser kan ske tillsammans med människor i olika åldrar och livssituationer. I antologin visas också att komparativa ansatser kan öppna för nya insikter om olika dimensioner i välfärdsystemet som en kulturell praktik.
|
|
| 3. |
- Basic, Goran, 1972-, et al.
(författare)
-
Vårdkedja för ungdomar eller professionella? En processutvärdering av projektet ”Motverka våld och gäng” : [ A “Treatment Chain” for Young People or the Professionals? A Process Evaluation of the “Counteract Violence and Gangs” – Project in Sweden ]
- 2009
-
Rapport (refereegranskat)abstract
- This report concerns a large evaluation of a project concerning Swedish juvenile care. We analyse how professionals, youngsters and parents perceived and interpreted the three-year project which involved different authorities whose representatives should form a care-giving chain. The project also employed a number of coordinators. Beyond accounting for the results from just over one houndred interviews and an intense field work our ambition was also to place our findings in a greater social and cultural context. The origin of our analysis is based upon the empirical material, not from a before hand constructed perspective; the example of the coordinators’ focus on administrative issues was therefore discovered through interviews and observations and not something that we were looking for or even expecting to find. At the same time no analysis can arise solely from an empirical material. When we, for example, use terms like ‘dispute props’, when talking about the involved actors discussions on different documents, it origins from reading the work of the classic sociologist Georg Simmel and modern social psychologist Ervin Goffman, both using dramaturgy as a metaphor for social interaction. The lasting impression from this project is the administrative position of the involved officials. They were strongly committed to meetings and documents, they reviewed and assessed each other using a bureaucratic language rather than discussing the individual youth with commitment. In fact the youths rather fell into a discursive shaddow when reading the interviews and field observations. In projects like this one, where officials should cooperate, the danger is that the meeting with its attached bureaucracy becomes the goal instead of the means. A more pragmatic stance regarding the meeting would rather see them being means through which distinct decisions and results carried the youth forth in a direction which the group, the parents and the youth had agreed on (the latter categories should, according to directives, be integrated). The meetings we attended rather displayed a startling inertia, issues that could have been resolved between meetings were not. The shortcomings in the measures were not followed up with attribution of responsibility.
|
|
| 4. |
|
|
| 5. |
- Basic, Goran, 1972-
(författare)
-
Fältarbete och nya frågeställningar – exemplet Bosnien
- 2008
-
Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- I detta utkast analyseras forskningsprocessens olika steg, från problemformulering till analys av data, och de kritiska val man ställs inför. Den empiriska delen bygger på observationer i Ljubija, en stad i nordvästra Bosnien, tidningsartiklar från området samt fjorton intervjuer. Känslorna under fältarbetet diskuteras.
|
|
| 6. |
- Basic, Goran, 1972-
(författare)
-
Krig och brott : Definitioner av kriminalitet i ett bosniskt efterkrigssamhälle
- 2005
-
Rapport (refereegranskat)abstract
- What is percieved as a crime in war time varies depending on the war at issue, the eventual peace, the victors and the victims. This study focuses on the resolution of rules that occured in Ljubija, a town in the north-western part of Bosnia-Herzegovina, during the the war 1992-1995, and how it created new conflicts and group formations that live on after the war. After the war a competition for the victim-role took place between different communities. The empirical part of the study is based upon observations in Ljubija, newspaper articles from the area and conversational interviews. The material was analysed using Emile Durkheim’s view on criminality in the society, Georg Simmel’s analysis on reconciliation and Nils Christie’s term “the ideal victim”. I also discuss my own emotions and thoughts as a fieldworker during the study.
|
|
| 7. |
- Basic, Goran, 1972-
(författare)
-
Om etniska enklaver och samhällsförändringar efter ett krig
- 2008
-
Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Syftet med detta utkast är att identifiera och analysera de sociala relationer och motsättningar som uppstår i ett samhälle som förändrats helt under ett krig. Den empiriska delen bygger på observationer i Ljubija, en stad i nordvästra Bosnien, tidningsartiklar från området samt fjorton intervjuer. Utvecklingen under och efter kriget har gjort att folk i Ljubija grupperas i tre skikt. En grupp består av bosnienserber som före, under och efter kriget varit bosatta i Ljubija (Ljubijabor); sen har vi gruppen med bosnienserber som kom till Ljubija som flyktingar under kriget i Bosnien och Kroatien (alltså flyktingar) och till slut har vi gruppen som består av bosnienmuslimer och bosnienkroater som etniskt rensades från Ljubija och efter kriget återvände dit (återvändande). Grupperna som nu finns i Ljubija förefaller relativt sammansmälta och samarbete samt interaktion mellan dem finns. Individer som bor i dagens Ljubija pratar med varandra när de träffas på gatorna och i kaféer. Fördelningen mellan ”vi” Ljubijabor, ”de” flyktingar och ”de” återvändande tycks för det mesta utspela sig på en symbolisk nivå. För Ljubijabor är både flyktingarna och de återvändande grupper som nämns i ett negativt sammanhang. Å ena sidan vill flyktingarna inte assimilera sig och med tiden har de kommit att utgöra majoriteten i Ljubija vilket i sin tur gör att Ljubijaborna pressas att följa deras normer och värderingar. Å andra sidan har de som återvänt (alltså bosnienkroater och bosnienmuslimer) en bättre ekonomisk situation än Lubijaborna och det skapar avund från Ljubijaborna sida. Det sociala livet i Ljubija, i intervjuades ögon, har förändrats till det sämre. De intervjuade brottas med banal nationalism, extrem fattigdom, sämre sjukvård, ökad kriminalitet och vissa tendenser till anarki i samhället. Rådande sociala relationer i Ljubija markeras på ett sådant sätt att motsättningar och en samhällelig nedgång lyfts fram och dramatiseras. Vad det gäller banal nationalism i Ljubija kan man säga att den reproducerar en viss oförsonlighet eftersom den håller de nationalistiska symboler och gränsdragningar som spelades ut så tydligt och makabert under kriget vid liv. Utvecklingen gjorde också att Ljubija blev en arena för olika utspel mellan vi och de. I den studien kan vi paradoxalt nog märka att etnisk och religiös tillhörighet inte behöver bli ett huvuddrag i vi/de-perspektivet. För den banala nationalismen emellertid är sådan tillhörighet nästan ett måste. Utgruppen som konstrueras hos banal nationalism definieras i termer av etnisk eller religiös tillhörighet.
|
|
| 8. |
- Basic, Goran, 1972-
(författare)
-
Skulle jag grilla lamm med dig? : Försoning och oförsonlighet i före detta lägerfångars berättelser
- 2007
-
Rapport (refereegranskat)abstract
- Is it possible for civilians, who have been targets of war action, to reconcile with their former enemies? In this study I am analyzing the stories told by former camp-prisoners who were imprisoned at the beginning of the Bosnia-Herzegovina war in the early 1990’s. These prisoners were detained in the concentration-camps of Omarska, Keraterm and Manjača. The former prisoners took refuge in the Nordic countries after the war. The aim of the study is partly to analyze traces of reconciliation and implacability, and partly to detect and describe the rituals of interaction that emerged during the war, which have been revised and reinterpreted after the war. The report is based on 13 interviews with former camp-prisoners and their close relatives who now live in Sweden, Denmark and Norway. Added to the study is a document analysis of verdicts by the Hague-tribunal and UN reports. Rather than the one-sided view of the former camp-prisoners, as traumatised, an action-oriented picture emerged. The stories of the camp-prisoners are nuanced fields where the narrator divides guilt and responsibility, reconciliation and implacability, the roles of heroes and victims. The study shows that the ethnic cleansing, in the Bosnian Northwest, caused not only series of atrocities but also dramatic changes in terms of different symbols and life-stories. The camps in the Bosnian Northwest were characterized by crimes and excesses against people. Individuality was heavily restricted by different power-rituals and abuse-processes. The interactive dynamics that evolved during the ethnic cleansing have a strong impact on the process of reconciliation after the war. The stories of reconciliation, implacability and victimization are constructed not only in relation to the war as a whole but also in relation to the narrators own actions and others personal actions during the war. It seems like the interviewees are trying to put their experiences behind them to escape being tormented by the past. The most outstanding in their stories is implacability, but forgiveness and reconciliation seem to be achievable if certain conditions are met, for example the display of shame.
|
|
| 9. |
- Wennerhag, Magnus
(författare)
-
Global rörelse : Den globala rättviserörelsen och modernitetens omvandlingar
- 2008
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- A basic premise of this dissertation is that social movements are political and social actors expressing the centrality of autonomy in modernity. To grasp the nature of the relation between politics and social movements, the latter has to be related to the profound transformation in the forms of politics implied by the breakthrough of modernity, and the subsequent transformations within modernity. Following Peter Wagner’s theory and periodization of modernity, a central premise of this dissertation is that the tension between liberation and order—or between liberty and discipline—is to be conceived of as a foundation for the cultural self-understanding as well as the transformations of modernity. When the premises for this tension is challenged and renegotiated during the crises of modernity, social movements have often played a prominent role, in creating solutions, drafting utopian projects, making social experiments and bringing forward new values and forms of action. The dissertation is divided in two parts. The first is oriented towards social theory and social movement theories, while the second part is more empirically oriented, studying the contemporary global justice movement, the activists of the movement and one of its primary forms of mobilization: the social forum. The empirical data primarily concerns the Swedish part of the movement, using activist interviews and survey data, but similar survey data from other countries is also used in order to make a comparative analysis possible. In the first part of the dissertation I offer a survey of various social movement theories since the conceptualization of the emerging worker’s movement during the mid-19th century, to the theories on new social movements created from the 1960s onwards. In particular, the theories of Lorenz von Stein, Gustave Le Bon and Alain Touraine are focused. From these discussions, I derive three persistent problématiques that I consider to be central in the study of social movements, when it comes to grasping their relation to politics and autonomy, making either mediation, collective action or creativity the explanatory basis for understanding the evolvement and political role of social movements. Using the perspective established in the first part, I focus on the global justice movement in the second part of the dissertation. Here, I show that the global justice movement is characterized by a complex relation to institutionalized politics, by a global perspective on issues about democracy and social justice, by its organizational and political diversity, by its creation of new political spaces (especially the social forums) and its transgression of the national political context. At large, it is claimed that the global justice movement can be said to embrace a “participatory democratic” view of politics, rooted in the institutional transformations created by globalization and the cultural changes connected to the individualization of our time.
|
|
| 10. |
|
|
