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- Bergman, Elin
(författare)
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Clientelism, conditional cash transfers, and cross-class coalitions: why governments expand pro-poor redistribution.
- 2019
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Conditional cash transfer programs (CCTs) allow poor households and individuals access to income support in return for investments in health and education. Originally adopted in Brazil and Mexico in the late 1990s, CCTs are now present in developing countries across the world. The adoption of a targeted benefit for poor people represents a radical reshaping of social policy in places such as the Latin American and Caribbean where the poor were long excluded from the welfare state. The poor were also frequent targets of clientelism: the contingent exchange between politicians and voters of material benefits in return for the promise of political support. It appears puzzling that politicians in these places should adopt a social policy that undermines their ability to continue to use clientelism in an effort to win elections. This puzzle is at the heart of the dissertation, and prompts the question of why governments adopt CCTs? The theory of the dissertation provides a solution to this puzzle and answers the question by emphasizing that it is precisely the undermining effect of CCTs on clientelism that makes CCTs attractive to politicians who seek the support of not only the poor but also that of the upscale electorate. CCTs are a functional response to the demands for redistribution among the poor (the bottom one-third of the income distribution) and the demand for a low level of redistribution and improvements in the productivity of the low-skill labor force among the upscale electorate (the top one-third of the income distribution). By throwing their electoral weight behind politicians who pursue CCTs, upscale voters can expect a reduction in the use of clientelism. Upscale voters dislike clientelism since it is secret, often illegal, and of unknown volume, which makes it difficult to infer tax rates. In addition, clientelism ties benefits to political allegiance rather than the human capital improvements that would end poor dependency on handouts. The theory is tested through a mixed-methods research design that combines experimental and observational data. Chapter 4 presents results from an original survey experiment that show that upscale support for CCTs grows when clientelism is an increasingly large concern, and that the preferences of the upscale and poor coalesce in contexts of high clientelism concern: the emergence of a cross-class coalition of upscale and poor voters. Chapter 5 examines in-depth the electoral coalitions in mayoral races across time in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and finds that the decision to adopt a local CCT in 2010 can be explained by the need to make inroads into the upscale electorate. Election results as well as survey data indicate large increases in upscale support after CCT adoption. The generalizability of the theory is tested in Chapter 6, which combines time-series cross-section data from Latin American and Caribbean countries during two decades with survey data from the region. The results conform to those of the subnational analyses and give strong support to the theory and its generalizability. Unlike existing theories, the dissertation provides an answer to why politicians expand pro-poor policy through CCTs. The literature has emphasized increased responsiveness to the poor in the wake of democratization but failed to explain why the poor in developing regions are politically effectual when their peers in the advanced economies are considered as a politically weak group with low efficacy. It is similarly left unexplained why CCTs cover such a small portion of the poor if the poor are the exclusive constituency of CCTs. The dissertation makes a key contribution to the literature by theorizing on how CCTs respond to redistributive preferences across the income distribution, and when those preferences may converge into a cross-coalition of voters in favor of pro-poor redistribution. It is important to understand the determinants of redistributive policy that targets the most vulnerable group in society. Previous research indicates that CCTs have reduced poverty and inequality since their inception in the final years of the 20th century. Beyond its contribution to the literature, then, the dissertation has relevance for the many individuals across the world who lack economic security and protection from adverse life and market events.
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| 4. |
- Bjereld, Ulf, 1957, et al.
(författare)
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Förhandla eller DÖ. Decemberöverenskommelsen och svensk demokrati i förändring
- 2016
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- I december 2014 skakades Sverige av politisk kris. Regeringens budget hade fallit. Inget av de traditionella blocken samlade tillräckligt stöd för att leda landet. Extraval hade aviserats. Men i hemlighet samlades sex av riksdagens partier för att rädda minoritetsstyret. Den så kallade Decemberöverenskommelsen skulle stabilisera svensk politik genom två val. Istället kollapsade den efter mindre än tio månader i oktober 2015. Förhandla eller DÖ analyserar spelet och processerna som ledde fram till uppgörelsen och utvärderar avtalet ur olika demokratiska perspektiv. Urholkade Decemberöverenskommelsen demokratin? Varför föll den? Vad säger det som hände om förutsättningarna för den svenska parlamentarismen?
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| 6. |
- Blombäck, Sofie, 1982
(författare)
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Making their way home from Brussels. New Political Parties in European and National Elections
- 2015
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis studies new political parties in the context of both European and national elections. It argues that the study of new political parties should not focus only on the national level. This is particularly true for new parties in Europe, since these can also aim for representation in the European Parliament. The thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that the European Parliament is an easy arena, that can serve as a short-cut into national politics. The thesis also challenges one aspect of the classical second order election theory, which does not expect that parties’ results in the European elections should influence their fate in the national arena. The thesis instead argues that European elections can be important for new parties, but only for some parties, in particular circumstances. For parties in other contexts the European elections matter less. Gaining representation in the European Parliament may in many cases prove as difficult as, or even more difficult than, gaining representation in the national parliament. The thesis consists of a comprehensive study of all new parties that have gained their first elected representatives in the European Parliament, from the first direct elections in 1979 to the elections in 2009. Additionally, data is gathered on the representation in both the national and the European Parliament after a full parliamentary term, as well as on the resources, political project and political opportunity structure for each party. These data are analysed both individually and using fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA). Finally, there is an in-depth study of four parties, two in the Netherlands and two in the United Kingdom. One important finding of the project is that new parties entering the European Parliament is a comparatively rare phenomenon. While some new parties have gained representation in each European election, several Member States have not seen any successful new parties at all. Of those that do enter the European Parliament, a third also gain representation in the national parliament within five years. Of the rest, most have either disappeared or no longer take part in elections. When it comes to explaining why only some of the parties that try to enter the national parliament, after gaining their first representation in the European Parliament, are successful, three factors come out as particularly important. The new party needs experienced leadership, acceptance from the established parties, and advantageous electoral rules at the national level. The case studies show that for some parties being elected to the European Parliament can be very important. Both UKIP and the Green Party in the UK gained the chance to have their leaders being full time politicians, access to staff and other resources and time to develop both their organisations and political projects from their representation in the European Parliament.
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| 7. |
- Broms, Rasmus, 1984
(författare)
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Taxation and Government Quality
- 2016
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The question of what creates government quality, or good institutions, is one of the central puzzles in modern political science. This dissertation investigates a hitherto underexplored cause: taxation. Historical research on early modern Europe has demonstrated that the collection of government revenue, mainly in the form of domestic taxes, was a main driver of the construction of a strong and meritocratic bureaucracy, and increased popular calls for accountability and representation, both key components of good institutions and the concept of government quality. Although a burgeoning literature has begun drawing parallels between this historical tax-driven process and institution building in today’s world, there is still a dearth of systematic tests of the link. Through a series of empirical investigations, this dissertation seeks to fill this gap. The introductory chapter presents global-level cross-country evidence that countries that impose higher taxes are also better governed. Through statistical analysis it furthermore finds a causal element present – taxation causes government quality, especially over the long run. The long-term nature inherent to this tax-driven process is further emphasized in paper I, which links present day government quality in former British colonies to the extent to which the colonial power collected revenue during the beginning of the 20th century. Paper II focuses on conditions further back in time, comparing religious financing in northwestern Europe during the early modern era and the Ottoman Empire. In the former setting, religious institutions were mainly financed and organized from below, leading to a strong tradition of local level accountability. In the latter such activities tended to be provided for, and accordingly controlled by, wealthy patrons. The study concludes that such variation in the way these essential public services were run can be tied to the subsequent divergence in level of democracy and openness in the Arab and western European countries. Paper III investigates a crucial mechanism inherent to the taxation-government quality hypothesis, namely the idea that taxation activates citizens to take political action. By analyzing individuals’ taxpaying behavior in sub-Saharan Africa, the study finds that people who pay taxes are more politically interested than those who do not pay. Finally, paper IV returns to the present day context. It poses the argument that the generally positive relationship between taxation and government quality in large part is driven by democratic states. Through analysis on global cross-country data, as well as data on individuals in sub-Saharan African, this hypothesis is supported. In sum, the findings in this dissertation support the notion of placing taxation more centrally in the ongoing discussion of how government quality and good institutions are created.
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- Larsson, Olof, 1983
(författare)
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Minoritarian Activism - Judicial Politics in the European Union
- 2016
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Is the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) best described as a run-away agent free to influence the EU according to its own preferences, or as an obedient servant of EU member state governments? In this dissertation, Olof Larsson argues that neither description fits the CJEU. Rather, like all similar courts, the CJEU is dependent upon the support of at least a minority of EU member states in order to be able to change the EU in ways counter to the wishes of the majority. The CJEU has not become one of the EU’s most powerful institutions and the world’s most successful international court because it has been insulated from government pressures, but rather because the governments of the EU have been divided on most important issues. Inspired by Separation-of-Powers theories developed to explain the Supreme Court of the United States, Larsson argues that this division among the member states has been an underestimated factor in explaining the independence of the CJEU. However, the more united the governments are against the Court, the higher the risk of backlash, it is argued. The dissertation is composed of four empirical chapters, two of which have previously been published in peer-reviewed journals. In the first, Larsson and co-authors argue that the CJEU reacts to the stated preferences of the EU governments in ways which can best be explained as a strategic adaptation in order to minimize the risk of backlashes, i.e. political attacks against the Court or attempts to change the impact of its decisions. In the second, Larsson argues that such backlashes have happened. In the third, Larsson and co-authors argue that the most fundamental division among the governments in regards to the issues the CJEU deals with is one between Liberal and Social Market Economies. In the fourth and final empirical chapter it is argued that the CJEU also uses legal arguments in the shape of references to precedent in order to convince recalcitrant governments of the validity of its judgments. In short, the CJEU both listens to and speaks back to EU governments. These governments are often divided along lines separating Social from Liberal Market Economies, but when they are sufficiently united, backlashes against the CJEU do happen.
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| 9. |
- Malm, Anders
(författare)
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Operational Military Violence : A Cartography of Bureaucratic Minds and Practices
- 2019
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Western use of military violence is becoming increasingly centralised, partly through the use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (or more commonly referred to as “drones” in the literature). Drone technology allows control and command of military operations to be put under one roof, and as military organisations traditionally have a close dependence on technological developments, procedures and regulations for centralised command and control have developed in close concert with advances in drone technology. Apart from technological innovations, there are other aspects that contribute to the growing centralisation of military violence. The increasing military sensitivity about public and media criticism regarding casualties and ‘collateral damage’ underlines the need for Western military organisations to take central control of military missions and the use of violence.What are the characteristics and consequences of this centralisation and how does it affect military practitioners’ relation to violence? The literature on military violence has slowly become aware that something has happened in Western military organisations’ relations to the use of force and has made some attempts to answer these questions. The tentative (short) answer is that military violence is becoming increasingly bureaucratised in the wake of this centralisation, and its human consequences are lost in bureaucratic routines and procedures. But so far the research on the bureaucratisation of violence has been delimited to investigations of either the theoretical procedures themselves (e.g. analysis of military doctrines), or field studies of drone operators or airmen’s work of ‘dropping bombs’. A major gap in the literature exists as the main organisational function for retaining control and command over violence – the operational level and the staff work performed there – is largely left aside in the research. Of particular interest here is how the work at operational levels of military organisations contributes to a bureaucratic institutionalisation of violence.This thesis aims to fill some of this gap through ethnographic investigations of operational military work and the training of ‘targeteers’ – staff officers working with the operational governance of military violence. In addition, the thesis also sets the current bureaucratisation of violence in a modern historical perspective, where the nation of Sweden stands as an example of how political incentives for military reformations form the foundation of a bureaucratisation of violence. The results of these investigations illustrate how bureaucratisation of violence leaves death and violence aside, and offers detailed insights into how the procedures, routines and the language of bureaucracy form the main points of reference for military practitioners’ view of their work. In addition, the analysis shows how military masculinity is reshaped from traditional warrior ideals to encompass norms of ‘the rational bureaucrat’. What is salient in these results is that they open up an otherwise closed off part of military practice and facilitates for public debates about military violence. Particularly regarding the central findings that some military practitioners do not regard violence as an outcome of their work, and that the bureaucratic operational work operates to reduce and even remove the (enemy) Other as a (human) point of reference in contemporary military work.
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| 10. |
- Povitkina, Marina
(författare)
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Necessary but not Sustainable? The Limits of Democracy in Achieving Environmental Sustainability
- 2018
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The world today faces a number of environmental problems that are both severe and urgent. Finding effective solutions is one of the top priorities for the international community, with at least half of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals relating either directly or indirectly to reaching environmental sustainability. The question is: How to reach these goals? Environmental problems pose a complex dilemma for decision-makers. They have low visibility, a slow response time to policy interventions and often require multi-pronged policy solutions that are sufficiently funded, supported and rigorously enforced. Yet, they are rarely the first priority for voters. Solutions to environmental problems therefore rely on long-term vision and commitments, appropriate expertise, as well as institutions that can secure compliance from all the relevant actors. This dissertation looks at the political institutions that, it is argued, make countries more likely to commit to and reach environmental sustainability goals. It revisits previous findings indicating that democratic institutions are more conducive to securing strong environmental performance. Democracy, which shapes the rules of preference aggregation and thus influences environmental decision-making and policy adoption, does not necessarily guarantee that these policies will be successfully implemented. This dissertation argues that the performance of democracies in achieving environmental sustainability depends on the quality of government, which, broadly, encompasses the absence of corruption, high rule of law and high bureaucratic capacity. Quality of government shapes the implementation of public policies, but it may also affect the incentives of decision-makers in environmental policy-making. This dissertation hypothesizes that democracy and quality of government interact in the production of environmental sustainability outcomes. The five articles included in the dissertation test this overarching hypothesis on four key Sustainable Development Goals related to environmental sustainability: the reduction of CO2 emissions to avert climate change, preparedness for natural disasters that may arise as a result of climate change, the provision of energy, and the provision of clean water. The results are consistent across the studies and show that more democracy is only beneficial for environmental sustainability outcomes when high quality of government is in place. However, when quality of government is low, democracies tend to underperform, doing no better or doing even worse than authoritarian regimes. Corruption, weak public administration, and lack of rule of law undermine incentives for and the credibility of policy efforts, and obstruct the implementation of public policies related to environmental sustainability, thus limiting democratic governments’ ability to act in the long-term interests of the public.
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