| 1. |
- Edgren, Lars
(författare)
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Stadens sociala ordning : Stånd och klass i Malmö under sjuttonhundratalet
- 2021
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- I denna bok presenteras nya perspektiv på det svenska ståndssamhället. Det görs genom en undersökning av Malmö mellan 1720 och 1780. Ståndssamhället var något mycket mer än bara indelningen i adel, präster, borgare och bönder. Stånd var beroende av att gränser mellan grupper markerades genom olika juridiska rättigheter. Det handlade dock inte bara om juridik. Statusindelningar upprätthölls i befolkningens vardagliga handlande i en ärans ekonomi. I boken hävdas att stånd och klass inte står i motsättning till varandra och att sjuttonhundratalet kan ha varit ståndssamhällets storhetstid.Boken har också mycket att säga den som vill veta mer om Malmö. I den får läsaren veta hur stadens sociala geografi såg ut, vem som satt var vid gudstjänsterna i S:t Petri kyrka och hur befolkningen fördelades på stadens olika begravningsplatser. Här får läsaren också läsa om hur det gick till när bödeln försökte få sin avlidna hustru buren till graven av något av stadens likbärarelag, om hur fabrikörskan Gottschick kunde nå en position som en av stadens ledande näringsidkare och om hur färjemannen Bengt Nilsson lyckades etablera sig i stadens elit.
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| 2. |
- Egefur, Fredrik
(författare)
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Gränslösa rörelser för fred 1889–1914 : Aktörskap, strategi och begreppsvärld hos socialistisk och liberal fredsaktivism
- 2020. - 1
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- During the 25 years before the First World War in 1914 two different kinds of peace movements, one bourgeois-liberal and one socialist, were organised to fight militarism and war. The two movements – represented by the International Peace Bureau and the Second International, respectively – grew in size between 1889 and 1914. At the beginning of 1914, IPB organized over 200 peace associations, representing approximately one million members. The socialist labour movement, on their part, gathered around four million members, and different social democratic parties were active in most European parliaments. The numbers of newspapers and affiliated associations, like trade unions, are difficult to count but were numerous. In view of the outbreak of the war in 1914, these popular anti-war movements and their leading organisations, which did their best to rally public opinion against war, appear to have been complete failures. However, the picture is far more complicated. The growing international peace movement actually had a significant impact on public debate at the turn of the last century – and their efforts reverberated throughout much of the 1900s. An in-depth analysis of this movement and its agency, strategy and conceptual world reveals new perspectives on the ongoing debate on how to form a persuading agenda and how to influence public opinion and the governments. This is interesting because it can teach us, today, about attempts to withstand ongoing arms race and harmful nationalism.The purpose of the present thesis is to systematically examine how and why different perspectives on the burning issue of peace versus war were discussed and practiced by the bourgeois and socialist peace movements at an international level between 1889 and 1914, and to compare the actions of the movements with each other. The comparison between the two movements is the most important methodological element of the dissertation. The thesis makes a contribution in three different research areas, shedding new light on questions of agency, strategy and on the “conceptual worlds” of the two movements. As such, the thesis presents new knowledge about the formative period of the international peace struggle. It is argued that in a time of militarism, imperialism and Western domination, various resistance movements were created to bring forth challenging ideas about peace. On a more general level, this study has also aimed to contribute to understanding how the emergence of international social movements during the decades around the turn of the century meant various new forms of political struggle and opinion formation.
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| 3. |
- Frydendahl Larsen, Bolette
(författare)
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Opdragelse og diagnosticering : Fra uopdragelighed til psykopati på Vejstrup Pigehjem 1908-1940
- 2020
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Between 1908 and 1940, 431 young girls between 16 and 21 years of age were enrolled at Vejstrup Re-education Home for Girls. Through close readings of individual case records and other archival material from Vejstrup Re-education Home, this PhD thesis explores the ways in which the so-called “particularly difficult young girls” were perceived as problematic and how they were handled from 1908 to 1940. The thesis uncovers how the problematisation and handling of the girls changed as psychiatric knowledge was integrated into the field. The thesis is informed by Michel Foucault’s perspective on power and knowledge as mutually constitutive and on power as a productive force that transforms human beings into (specific kinds of) subjects. Introducing the concept of motherly caring power, the reform practices at Vejstrup Re-Education Home are analysed as a specific type of disciplinary liberal government directed at the individual’s will and emotions. The central technique used to re-educate the young girls was the relationship between the headmistress and each individual girl. The aim of re-education was ultimately to lead the girls to regulate themselves to become ‘good girls' and ultimately to strive for becoming servants and wives.The perception of child welfare was that every child could be re-educated, however 4.2% of the children and youth released from Danish residential care between 1905-1940 and 11.4% of the young girls released from Vejstrup Re-Education Home in the same period were released because they had been deemed incorrigible. The expulsions on the grounds of incorrigibility, led to a new problematisation and category that also comprised a new subject: The Incorrigible. During the 1920s, doctors became increasingly involved in assessing the nature of the girls at Vejstrup Re-Education Home, as well as in evaluating how they should be handled. The analysis shows that diagnoses, particularly the diagnosis psychopathy, grew intertwined with the existing category of incorrigibility. The reformulation of incorrigibility to psychopathy and other diagnoses was relevant, because the diagnoses entailed new ways of handling, as well as the anticipation of additional resources. In the 1920s the headmistress attempted to gain ressources for a closed ward at the institution, but did not succeed. In 1930 the subsequent headmistress initiated lobbying for the establishment of a psychopathic institution for girls in 1930. Though she did not succeed, doctors and politicians supported the idea, and a commission was formed to prepare a proposal for the establishment of a psychopathic institution. The thesis uncovers how the problematisation of so-called incorrigible girls as psychopaths emerged at Vejstrup Re-Education Home. Thus the thesis shows how child psychiatry was shaped and practiced within child welfare before the opening of the first Danish child psychiatric clinic in 1935 and before the 1958 establishment of a pedagogic committee in child welfare, incorporating e.g. professional knowledge from psychiatry and psychology.
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| 4. |
- Hultman, Lars
(författare)
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I skuggan av Karl August : Nya perspektiv på Fersenska upploppet 1810
- 2024
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- On 20 June 1810 Stockholm was rocked by a full-blown and violent riot. A funeral precession for the recently deceased crown prince Charles August turned into a furious riot which eventually developed into an attack on the entire existing social order. The marshal of the realm, Axel von Fersen, was killed and large crowds fought during the rest of the day regular street battles against military and police forces.This thesis is investigating the causes and consequences of the Fersen riot. By doing so I hope to be able to offer some new perspectives on this, at least in the Swedish context, unique event. Previous research has usually regarded the riot as a more or less isolated phenomenon and has often failed to investigate both root causes and long-term consequences. With the help of five theoretical concepts (see below) and several different sources (police reports from the Police Chamber of Stockholm 1810, trial records of the legal aftermath of the riot, military orders. public print. newspapers, pamphlets and handbills, letters, diaries and memoirs) I have analyzed the situation in Sweden from March 1809 to January 1811. The main result of my investigation is:Taken out of context, the Fersen riot could possibly be regarded as a temporary incident, with neither deeper causes nor significant consequences. My analysis of the dramatic events that preceded and created the conditions for the events of 20 June, together with the discussion of the protracted and shocking aftermath, has shown that the Fersen riot must be regarded as a very decisive event in the last 200 years of Swedish history. The reasons for this are:1. At the end of the year 1810 Sweden is a country in crisis, perhaps on the brink of some kind of subversive social change. Thus, the Fersen riot both explains, and is itself explained by, the bad and miserable state Sweden was perceived to be in.2. The extensive media production and the intense climate of discussion before and after the riot have undoubtedly meant an extensive and thorough learning process. For large parts of the capital´s population this period has meant an intensive course in questions and knowledge about social conditions and social change.3. The election of the heir to the throne came as a surprise to many. I believe that the chain of circumstantial evidence I have formulated makes it quite possible that the election of Bernadotte can be traced directly back to the riot and can be seen as a concession to the strong public opinion in Stockholm.4. And finally, Charles August. How can the grief, frustration and anger caused by his death be explained? Why did he become the object of an intense cult of personality? The only plausible explanation is that the role of the crown prince became the symbol of all hope and all faith in the future in the battered Sweden. Charles August became its face, both alive and dead.
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