| 1. |
- Beckman, Ludvig, 1970-
(författare)
-
Democracy
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780190228637 - 0190228636
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Democracy is a term that is used to denote a variety of distinct objects and ideas. Democracy describes either a set of political institutions or an ideal of collective self-rule. Democracy can also be short for a normative principle of either legitimacy or justice. Finally, democracy might be used to denote an egalitarian attitude. These four uses of the term should be kept distinct and raises separate conceptual and normative issues.The value of democracy, whether democratic political institutions or democratic self-rule, is either instrumental, non-instrumental, or both. The non-instrumental value of democracy derives either from the alleged fairness of majority rule or from the value of the social relationships enabled by participation in democratic procedures. The instrumental value of democracy lends support from a growing body of empirical research. Yet, the claim that democracy has a positive causal effect on public goods is inconclusive with respect to the moral justification of democratic institutions. Normative reasons for democracy’s instrumental value must instead appeal to the fact that it contributes to equality, liberty, truth, or the realization of popular will.Democracy as a principle of either political legitimacy or justice is a normative view that evades concerns with the definition and value of democracy. Normative democracy is a claim about the conditions either for legitimacy or justice of either public authority or coercion. Debates in normative democracy are largely divorced from the conceptual and empirical concerns that inform studies of democracy elsewhere.The boundaries of the people entitled to participate in collective decisions is a question that applies to all four uses of democracy. The boundary question raises three distinct issues. The first is the extent of inclusion required among the members of the unit. The second is if membership in the unit is necessary for inclusion or if people that are not recognized as members are on certain conditions also entitled to participate. The third and final issue concerns the boundaries of the unit itself.
|
|
| 2. |
- Birnbaum, Simon, 1977-
(författare)
-
Basic Income
- 2016
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. - New York : Oxford University Press. - 9780190228637 - 0190228636 ; , s. 1-30
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The idea that states should provide a means-tested guaranteed minimum income for citizens who are unable to meet their basic needs is widely shared and has been a central component in the evolution of social citizenship rights in existing welfare states. However, an increasing number of activists and scholars defend the more radical option of establishing a universal basic income, that is, an unconditional income paid to all members of society on an individual basis without any means test or work requirement. Indeed, some political philosophers have argued that basic income is one of the most important reforms in the development of a just and democratic society, comparable to other milestones in the history of citizenship rights, such as universal suffrage or even the abolishment of slavery. Basic income or similar ideas, such as a basic capital or a negative income tax, have been advanced in many versions since the 18th century in different parts of the world and under a great variety of names. However, while these were previously often isolated and disconnected initiatives, basic income has more recently become the object of an increasingly cumulative research effort to shed light on the many aspects of this idea. It has also inspired policy developments and given rise to experiments and pilot projects in several countries.
|
|
| 3. |
- Hedin, Astrid
(författare)
-
Communist state administrative structures
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics. - Oxford, UK : Oxford University Press. - 9780190228637 ; , s. 1-31
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article presents some core structural–organizational principles of communist state administration and gives empirical examples of how they were — and are — expressed in practice. The administrative structures and institutional traditions of communist regimes constitute a family or type, where affnities to the original Soviet model are strong.The administrative doctrines of unity of power, socialist legality, cadre management, and the so-called nomenclature model of administrative control were developed by the former Soviet Union, where the nomenclature system was instituted in 1922. With Soviet military and ideological expansion, the Soviet model then spread across the globe.At its high point in the late 1980s, almost 30 Marxist-Leninist regimes existed on four of Earth’s five continents: Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa, and Central America. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, almost all of the states formerly occupied or mentored by it transitioned from communism. In the 21st century, five countries still count as largely communist in their administrative structure: China, Vietnam, Laos, Cuba, and North Korea.
|
|
| 4. |
- Johansson, Karl Magnus, 1966-, et al.
(författare)
-
Political Parties in the European Union
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedias of Politics. - Oxford : Oxford University Press. - 9780190228637
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Media often portrays European Union (EU) decision-making as a battleground for national governments that defend the interests of their member states. Yet even the most powerful individuals, such as the German chancellor, the French president, or the Commission president, are party politicians. At the same time the consistent empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) means that the party groups of European-level “Europarties”—political parties at European level—are in a key position to shape EU legislation. The Parliament has also become more directly involved in the appointment of the Commission, with the results of EP elections thus influencing the composition of the Commission.Examining the “partyness” of European integration, this article argues that scholarly understanding of the role of parties in the EU political system has taken great strides forward since the turn of the millennium. This applies especially to the EP party groups, with research focusing particularly on voting patterns in the plenary. This body of work has become considerably more sophisticated and detailed over the years; it shows that the main EP groups do achieve even surprisingly high levels of cohesion and that the left–right dimension is the primary axis of contestation in the chamber. It nonetheless also emphasizes the continuing relevance of national parties that control candidate selection in EP elections. Considering that most votes in the Parliament are based on cooperation between the two largest groups, the center-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the center-left Party of the European Socialists (PES), future research should analyze in more detail how these groups build compromises.Actual Europarties, however, remain relatively unexplored. Case studies of treaty reforms or particular policy sectors reveal how individual Europarties have often wielded decisive influence on key integration decisions or key appointments to EU institutions. The Europarty meetings held in conjunction with European Council summits are particularly important in this respect. The regular, day-to-day activities of Europarties deserve more attention, both regarding decision-making and vertical links between national parties and their Europarties. Overall, it is probably more accurate to characterize Europarties as networks of like-minded national parties or as loose federations of member parties, especially when compared with the often centralized and strongly disciplined parties found in the member states.
|
|
| 5. |
- Olsson, Susanne, 1971-, et al.
(författare)
-
Islam and Islamic Studies in Scandinavia
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedias. - New York : Oxford University Press. - 0190228636 - 9780190228637
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Islam in the Scandinavian countries—Denmark, Norway, and Sweden—has a long history. There are evidences of contacts between Scandinavia and the Muslim world at least since the Middle Ages. The presence of Muslims in Scandinavia is however of a later date and more established from the 1950s, when immigrants arrived, mainly due to the needs in the labor markets; they successively established congregations and mosques, as they realized that they were to stay in their new countries. Following this period, Muslim migrants have arrived due to geopolitical factors, such as war, which have increased the number of Muslims and their presence and visibility in public space and public debate, which in turn has affected the media image of Islam and Muslims and influenced research. The research on Islam and Muslims has a long history in Scandinavia as well. With the increase of Muslim inhabitants in Scandinavian countries, scholarly interests have also related more to the present and to the study of their own Muslim populations, as well as case studies related to Islamophobia, media images, Muslims in the school systems and labor market, and specific incidents, such as the cartoon crisis and its aftermath.
|
|
| 6. |
- Sjöstedt, Roxanna
(författare)
-
Securitization Theory and Foreign Policy Analysis
- 2019
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics : World Politics - World Politics. - : Oxford University Press. - 9780190228637
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Since it was launched in the mid-1990s, the concept of securitization has consistently been in vogue, at least among European scholars of world politics and security studies. The idea of viewing security as intersubjective, where anyone or anything can be a threat if constructed as such, is both an appealing and useful conceptualization when analyzing security issues beyond the traditional, realist, state-centric view of security being equal to military issues. However, the precise aspects that make securitization appealing have also limited its broader impact on security studies or foreign policy analysis (FPA), as these fields often adhere to the assumption of threats being actor-based and external. Nevertheless, several studies demonstrate that both the theoretical assumptions of securitization theory and prior empirical applications of these assumptions are useful when analyzing different policy and security issues, and the concept can be applied to a broad range of issue areas, contexts, and actors. Although many studies are not self-proclaimed analyses of foreign policy, they capture important dynamics of the internal-external security nexus that epitomize politics in the globalized era. A securitization framework can bring added value to FPA.
|
|
| 7. |
- Tännsjö, Torbjörn, 1946-
(författare)
-
Conservatism
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Oxford Research Encyclopedias. - : Oxford University Press. - 0190228636 - 9780190228637
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- All conservatives have something in common, a particular argument, even if they disagree about the rationale behind this argument. The conservative argument can be stated thus: Some orders ought to be maintained because they are existing and well established. The reason given by conservatives why orders that are existing and well established ought to be maintained is varied. Typically, it has to do with pessimism with regard to the human moral nature or human rationality, or it has to do with pessimism with regard to rational argumentation combined with optimism about what has evolved historically speaking. The reasoning, then, is instrumental and pragmatic. However, there are also conservatives who claim that an existing and well-established order, such as a nation, a Volk, a species, or some cherished institution, has final value.
|
|
