| 1. |
- Jacobsson, Katarina, et al.
(författare)
-
På tal om mutor
- 2003
-
Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Gränserna för vad som ska uppfattas som en muta är sällan enkla att dra. Det som juridiskt definieras som korrupt kan i vardagliga termer beskrivas som något klanderfritt – som provisioner, konsultuppdrag, gåvor, resor, bjudningar och liknande. Mutor kan ofta förklaras som närbesläktat med socialt umgänge eller gästfrihet. De kan också förklaras i termer av tacksamhet eller som sedvänja och kultur. Artikeln är baserad på intervjumaterial från två pågående kvalitativa sociologiska studier: en om svenska affärsmän verksamma i Öst- och Centraleuropa och en om det svenska rättsväsendets hantering av mutbrott och bestickning. Författarna till artikeln menar att det är viktigt för de företag och organisationer som vill bekämpa mutor och korruption att uppmärksamma dessa fenomen och de vokabulärer de beskrivs med. Artikeln diskuterar också hur ekonomiska motiv kan användas för att förmå företag och branscher att föregå med gott exempel.
|
|
| 2. |
- Jacobsson, Katarina
(författare)
-
Retoriska strider : Konkurrerande sanningar i dövvärlden
- 2000
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In the last couple of decades a particular interpretation of deaf and deafness has been established in ‘official’ arenas in Sweden. Deaf individuals, according to this view, should not be seen as disabled, but rather as belonging to a cultural and linguistic minority. Such views find expression in a locally established usage that may be termed a deaf culture discourse. Discourse can be seen as a restriction on the possibilities for expression, but also as a resource. It exists as an ever present debate that can be drawn on in conversation and argument. A discourse may, as is the case with deaf issues, be clear and pervasive. It is not unchanging, however. The process of calling it into question gives rise to modifications of already established truths, and generates new forms of expression. This is what has happened with the arrival in the deaf community of a new group: children with cochlear implants, and their parents. Cochlear implantation is a surgical operation intended to give a deaf person the chance to experience sound with the help of electrical signals. It should be pointed out that the results do not equate to ‘normal’ hearing. Operations on deaf children have given rise to strong protest in the deaf movement and even in professional circles, particularly amongst the teaching profession. The fear is that, as before, greater priority will be given to speech than to sign language. Now we can see that a different way of talking about deafness is under construction, one that largely challenges the deaf culture perspective. Alternative forms of expression - in which cochlear implants can be described in positive terms, and deafness as a disability - take shape in an ongoing dialogue with the deaf culture discourse. Resistance to the operation forces parents to take a line that answers both earlier criticism and future objections. Slogans such as ‘the best of two worlds’, meaning sign language and speech, are coined, and statements are made to the effect that children with cochlear implants are offered freedom of choice. Faced with alternative choices of words, arguments, and phrases, the established discourse is forced into a dialogue. In the first instance this thesis does not deal with deaf issues as such. Instead, events are analysed in terms of an established discourse vis-à-vis the construction of an alternative discourse. There is an appreciable power potential in language, in discourse. The one who ‘owns’ and commands an established discourse also possesses power and control. With an alternative discourse, the advocates of cochlear implantation have carved out a place in the deaf world. They now demand to be treated as ‘one of the team’ rather than bowing to those who speak the language of deaf culture. The thesis is based on qualitative material: tape-recorded interviews and group discussions, newspaper articles, ‘internal’ literature, observational data.
|
|
| 3. |
|
|
| 4. |
- Åkerström, Malin, et al.
(författare)
-
Reanalysis of Earlier Collected Material
- 2004
-
Ingår i: Qualitative research practice. - 0761947760 ; , s. 902-942
-
Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Data from finished projects may stay in a researcher’s mind for many reasons: a fascination for a field, members’ charm, odd circumstances in the collecting process, analytical frustration etc. Yet the possibility of bringing back one’s attention to these data in order to understand them in new conceptual contexts is rarely as valued as the opposite: a quest for new data to be put in one’s familiar conceptual contexts. In this article we discuss the methodological aspects of “recycling” one’s own data, pointing out obstacles and rewards as well as the linkages between the process of reinterpretation and researchers’ biographies. Against worries about data getting “old,” we argue that analytical creativity is not necessarily tied to a specific research project and its limited time span. If cultivating a methodological open-mindedness and an interest in the phenomena, data can be used again and again by looking at them through different analytical lenses. In that sense, data never get old. Two empirical illustrations are used. One concerns a woman in prison, interviewed almost twenty years ago in a study on violence and threats in prison. An original naturalistic approach, employed to identify common traits in the local prison culture, made this particular interview difficult to place. The woman’s storytelling did not fit into the overall picture. She was mostly concerned with life ouside prison, wheras the other interviewees kindly kept themselves to researcher's choosen topic. Furthermore, she presented herself in a way more aking to some of the male prisoners, than did the other women. Subsequently, as qualitative research gained insights in narrative perspectives, tools appeared that made it possible to interpret what originally seemed puzzling. The other illustration relates to ethnographic data from a study of parents and professionals involved in education and care of deaf children. Whereas an original interactionist approach seemed sufficient to discern and interpret all patterns and variations, a later analysis of practically the same material, now in accordance with Mikhail Bakhtin’s dialogical view of language, shed a new light on the field. Thus, the idea of recycling data involves potentials not only to revisit and ruminate old riddles but also to generate new riddles in data once considered to be entirely squeezed. As Georg Simmel wrote, animating the quality he saw in empirical materials: “there’s more within me.”
|
|
