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Träfflista för sökning "WFRF:(Norén Bretzer Ylva 1969 ) srt2:(2005-2009)"

Sökning: WFRF:(Norén Bretzer Ylva 1969 ) > (2005-2009)

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  • Johansson, Folke, 1943, et al. (författare)
  • G-FORS Governance for Sustainability: National Report Sweden
  • 2008
  • Ingår i: http://www.gfors.eu/58.0.html.
  • Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Summary: the SEA Case The Swedish SEA case is a study of the implementation of the EU-directive 2001/42/EC in Göteborg. The study is focusing on Göteborg municipality’s strategic environmental assessment (SEA) of its comprehensive land use plan, ÖPXX. There are several reasons why this particular case is suitable as a part of the GFORS-project. First, the SEA in Göteborg is not finished, but is still under development. This facilitates the collection of empirical data regarding reflexive knowledge, since reflexive knowledge is a fleeting phenomenon that does not usually last over an extended period of time. The case is also suitable because it may be considered a critical case. The study employs process-tracing and builds on a number of different methodological approaches: document studies, interviews, and participating observation of relevant meetings. This combination of methods allows for an analysis of the governance mode and the degree to which reflexive knowledge has been generated throughout the process. The results indicate that the Swedish SEA is developed mainly through a hierarchical governance mode, even though there are elements of networks and markets. There are signs of reflexive knowledge occurring, in the work process as well as in the SEA document. The accumulation of reflexive knowledge does not seem to be correlated with any specific governance mode, however. To conclude, it is quite possible that the Swedish SEA promotes a sustainable development; it is largely comprehensive, well aggregated, and consistent. Also, there have not been any major legitimacy problems during the SEA process. G-FORS National Reports: Sweden Summary: The Particulate Matter Case The Air Quality Framework Directive from 1996 and the following updates has been implemented into the Swedish Environmental Code (SFS 1998:808) as well as the Environmental Quality Norms, EQN (prop. 2000/01:130 and prop. 2004/05:150) and the ordinance on Environmental Quality Norms on Outdoor Air (SFS 2001:527). The areas most affected by PM10 emissions are the three largest cities Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö (in the order of size), and the efforts to control the PM matters have primarily been centered around the establishment around a Measurement Program in order to control and reduce the emissions. As Stockholm was experimenting with a new system with car-congestion fees in 2006, we decided that it would be unwise to select this case for a closer study, as the Stockholm case was too interwoven into governmental bargaining politics, and regional future planning politics. Malmö was also less suitable for selection, as a great deal of its emissions originates from long-distance emissions. Gothenburg was more of an ideal-case, according to the national judicial description of the problem as well as the solutions. PM10 levels started to be measured in Gothenburg at the early 1990s, and soon it was realized that several places exceeded the EQNs. The National Environmental Protection Agency, SEPA, decided that a Measurement Program should be produced by the municipality of Göteborg. Such a program was deliberated and handed into the SEPA by June 2003, but it was rejected as several of the measures were not within the municipal mandate (such as a ban on studded tires and car-tolls). In 2006, the government demanded a new version of the Measurement Program, which finally was settled in May 2006. The action arenas are of a hierarchical multi-level character, where the Government acts through a) the Ministry of Environment, b) the SEPA, and c) the County Administration of Västra Götaland. The local level acts primarily through the municipality of Gothenburg, but in close collaboration with the neighboring municipalities and the County Administration. The actors involved have primarily been bureaucrats at various levels, and politicians to a lesser extent. Representatives for voluntary organizations have been close to totally absent, a few consultants have participated in the process, but primarily as deliverers of data rather than as policy makers. Even when the media discusses the PM emissions, they rather echo the decisions taken by the administrative authorities, rather than echoing any opinion movement. Knowledge does anyhow feed into the process through the bureaucrats at all levels; they pay attention to various types of reports produced in other municipalities as well as by national and international researchers.
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  • Johansson, Folke, 1943, et al. (författare)
  • Kommunstorlek och demokrati
  • 2007
  • Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • Föreliggande rapport har utarbetats vid CEFOS, Centrum för forskning om offentlig sektor, Göteborgs universitet. Huvudsyftet har varit att ta fram aktuell och systematisk kunskap om den betydelse kommunstorleken har för hur den kommunala demokratin i Sverige fungerar. Rapporten bygger till största delen på reanalyser av ett befintligt omfattande empiriskt material som innefattar kommunstudier av såväl medborgare som politiker, studier av massmediers innehåll och de mer generella enkätundersökningar som sedan lång tid utförs vid SOM-institutet, Göteborgs universitet. Beträffande politiker har också nytt material samlats in. Huvudansvariga för rapporten är professor Folke Johansson och fil dr David Karlsson. Docent Bengt Johansson har medverkat med analys av massmedias roll och fil dr Ylva Norén Bretzer har medverkat med analys av förtroende för politiker.
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  • Norén Bretzer, Ylva, 1969 (författare)
  • Att förklara politiskt förtroende: Betydelsen av socialt kapital och rättvisa procedurer
  • 2005
  • Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • What explains political trust? Many researchers have presented various theories and explanations to this question. Therefore the number of answers according to previous research has been numerous and ambiguous. In contributing to this line of research, this dissertation uses a multilevel definition by David Easton and Pippa Norris and her colleagues. I continue to choose two theories that particularly have been presented as possible answers to why political trust varies among citizens. The first is the social capital theory and the second is the theory on procedural fairness. I continue to test the relevance of the selected theories, where the data on the micro-level is a) a national sample in Sweden evaluating national political trust, and b) a regional sample covering 50 municipalities of West Sweden, evaluating municipal political trust. Several results are found. First, social capital theory is primarily valid in terms of generalised trust, while associational activities do not result in any significantly higher political trust at all. Second, the civicness hypothesis is confirmed but with marginal effect. This means that people living in areas where they think their neighbours are more willing to give a helping hand at emergencies, or do some extra work for the benefit of the local community, have a significantly higher political trust. However, this effect is quite marginal in size. When the second theory is tested, the role of procedural fairness, I find that persons who believe that the courts are working in a fair and foreseeable way across the country have significantly higher political trust. This is true together with the social capital theory, and the analyses have also been controlled for the home-team hypothesis presented by Holmberg and others, that implies that you tend to trust those that you have voted for. For the micro-level, I conclude that generalised trust and perceived procedural justice are the primary relevant explanations to the variance of political trust, under control for the home-team hypothesis and other background variables. The two theories are also being tested on the macro-level, since it has been argued by social capital theory that the relevant effects should be detected at aggregate levels. The results in this regard are meagre; there are no social capital effects to be found across municipal populations where I investigate the variation of mean political trust. What could be detected was an important effect of the perceived possibility to affect political decisions. This result gives credit to Tom Tyler?s argument on process control, which was confirmed on micro level as well. Following this part of the analyses, I conclude that social capital theory is not valid to explain political trust at the macro-level, at least not within the same country. Another important result was that the working definition of political trust transferred well from the national to the municipal level.
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  • Norén Bretzer, Ylva, 1969 (författare)
  • Explaining political trust: the role of social capital and procedural fairness
  • 2005
  • Ingår i: Konferenspapper presenterat vid Trust and Democracy: A Multidisciplinary Perspective, Göteborg, May 19-20, Sweden.
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
    • The role of interpersonal trust in society has intensively been discussed among researchers during the last decade (Putnam 1993, 2000, Lin 2001, Uslaner 2002). This article specifically focuses on the role of interpersonal trust and trust in politicians, political institutions and democracy. Do people that trust other people also have more trust in politics, generally? A competing explanation to where the political trusters could be detected comes from the field of political psychology. Here, most notably Tom Tyler has argued that political trust is generated from the perceived procedures of the judicial system (Hibbing and Theiss-Morse 2001, Levi 1996, 1998, Tyler 1990, 1998, 2001). Persons that carry the perceptions that the judicial system is working in a fair and foreseeable way, also tend to be the political trusters, according to his claim. How will these two hypotheses play together? This is the topic of the presented article. This study has a multi-level design, where data include trust in Swedish national political institutions and Swedish municipal institutions. The reported analyses display a hypoteses test 2x2 at micro and macro levels respectively. The results confirm what Mishler and Rose have reported earlier, that it is institutional hypotheses at micro levels that best covary with political trust. Second, institutional hypotheses on macro levels are also helpful. Interpersonal trust at macro level displays no significant relation to political trust. However, small but significant effects can be detected at micro level. The consequences of the results are several. First, if we are truly interested in the issue of political trust, and what determines it, we should put much more attention to analyses of institutions, how they actually work and citizen’s perceptions of them. Second, the source of low political trust may be found within the public institutions themselves, not among the citizenry. If the judicial system is working in a fair and foreseeable way, and the attitude among the citizens are that the courts and the police are working in favor of this norm, this situation would pave the way to higher political trust much more easily, compared to if policymakers have the belief that the citizens should be “doped” with as much interpersonal trust as possible. The latter strategy may produce lots of interesting social effects, however, the effect on political trust would most likely be meager.
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  • Norén Bretzer, Ylva, 1969 (författare)
  • Förtroendet för JO och andra ombudsmän
  • 2009
  • Ingår i: JO – lagarnas väktare. - Stockholm : Riksdagsbiblioteket. ; , s. 33-49
  • Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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  • Norén Bretzer, Ylva, 1969 (författare)
  • Green movements in political action: The consumer challenge
  • 2006
  • Ingår i: Paper presented at The European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) spring meeting, Larnaca, Cyprus, April 25th to 30th, 2006.
  • Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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