| 1. |
- Angerbrandt, Henrik, et al.
(författare)
-
Above Politics? : Ex-Military Leaders in Nigerian Electoral Politics
- 2021
-
Ingår i: Democratization. - : Taylor & Francis. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 28:4, s. 782-800
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In countries transitioning from military to democratic rule, authoritarian legacies often continue to influence politics. Whereas previous research has focused on the institutional causes of such deficiencies, there is a lack of studies examining the role ex-military leaders who re-emerge as civilian presidents have in sustaining authoritarian tendencies. In this article, we begin to fill this lacuna by investigating the question: how and under which conditions do ex-military leaders' political identity constructions affect their tendency to place themselves above politics (i.e. expressing the attitude and behaviour of being superior to democratic rules)? The literature on neo-patrimonialism and post-civil war politics points to the importance of the political identities of ex-militaries, and we propose a theory that highlights the role identity construction plays in shaping elites’ decision-making processes. Based on a comparison of two Nigerian presidents, Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari, we find that ex-generals' tendency to engage in politics from above is largely a function of to what extent they have diversified their political identities beyond their role as “militaries”. In this process, the degree of democratic consolidation also seems to play a role; ex-militaries operating in newly established democracies appear to have more opportunities to place themselves above politics.
|
|
| 2. |
- Bangura, Ibrahim, et al.
(författare)
-
Patrimonial Truth-Telling : Why Truth Commissions Leave Victim and Ex-Combatant Participants Aggrieved
- 2023
-
Ingår i: Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding. - : Routledge. - 1750-2977 .- 1750-2985. ; 17:4, s. 371-393
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- There is a growing awareness that truth commissions (TCs) often leave victim and ex-combatant participants aggrieved. This is problematic since it can undermine support for peace processes. When attempting to explain such shortcomings, previous research has not paid sufficient attention to the patrimonial sources of TC-participants’ frustration. We argue that such forms of disenchantment are largely caused by internationalised TCs’ patrimonial mode of working, utilising tactics such as motorcades as manifestations of power and brokers to mobilise witnesses. To highlight the relevance of our argument, we use the work of the Sierra Leone Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an example.
|
|
| 3. |
- Grech-Madin, Charlotte, 1992-
(författare)
-
The Water Taboo : Restraining the Weaponisation of Water in International Conflict
- 2020
-
Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Why do nation states in conflict with one another refrain from weaponising water? Water has long been a standard weapon of armed conflict. In the post-World War II period, however, nation states in international conflict have made concerted efforts to restrain its weaponisation. This is puzzling given the absolute vitality of water to an adversary, a long historical record of water weaponisation, and water’s heightened military utility in the face of rising scarcity. Distinct from existing scholarship, this study contends that water has become embedded in a global normative inhibition – a “water taboo” – that denounces its weaponisation as morally unacceptable. Through qualitative case research involving elite interviewing and historical analysis, this study examines the water taboo. Three focal points include its existence, how it evolved over time, and most importantly, how it influences states’ decisions on whether or not to weaponise water. The study first outlines the water taboo. Next it analyses the taboo’s historical origins, and later its strengthening from the 1950s to the present via a confluence of broader humanitarian and environmental protection movements. It then examines the taboo’s influence in a “hard” case of India in the 1999 Kargil War, and “deviant” case of the US in the 1991 Gulf War. Altogether, the study contributes that: (i) a moral aversion to weaponising water exists; (ii) it has evolved through multiple phases of norm strengthening in the past seventy years; and (iii) it influences state behaviour at an instrumental level and, in some cases, more internalised level of compliance. Where the taboo is not fully internalised, this study finds that the taboo’s influence is mediated by levels of military necessity, operational dependence of the military on politicians, and embeddedness of belligerents in the international community. These findings firmly extend IR and Peace and Conflict literature into the domain of water, and suggest future avenues for research and policy to charter long-term peace and security around water.
|
|
| 4. |
- Sjöstedt, Roxanna, et al.
(författare)
-
Socializing Warlord Democrats: Analyzing Violent Discursive Practices in Post-Civil War Politics
- 2024
-
Ingår i: International Studies Review. - 1521-9488. ; 26:1
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Across the world, so-called warlord democrats (WDs) – former military or political leaders of armed groups who subsequently enter formal electoral politics – strongly influence the dynamics and trajectory of post-civil war politics. However, scholarship on war-to-peace transitions and post-conflict politics have often failed to pay attention to the agency of these important actors. This article rectifies this oversight, and thereby adds to the overarching scholarly debate on what enhances or hampers democratic processes after violent conflict. It makes two main contributions. First, by putting an explicit focus on the individual level of analysis and on the agency of WDs, the article opens up an avenue of research that previously has been black-boxed. Second, it demonstrates that the assumptions of socialization theory are particular suitable for enhancing our understanding of variations in the agency of WDs and their impact on post-conflict electoral politics. A novel analytical framework that refines the concept guides the empirical examination of the socialization processes of two WDs over time: Julius Maada Bio, the ex-junta leader who became President of Sierra Leone and Prince Johnson, the ex-warlord in Liberia who became Senator and presidential candidate. The findings suggest that the socialization theory holds promise as a new perspective on the study of WDs, but the theory may also need additional conceptual development and adjustment when applied outside its traditional empirical context and at the individual levels of analysis. Specifically, we find that the democratic socialization of our selected WDs display the characteristics of hybrid socialization, where conflicting normative frameworks result in lopsided socialization processes. But more research is needed on how to empirically distinguish between cost-benefit calculations and a logic of appropriateness, the long-term implications of hybrid socialization, and how to theoretically reconcile individual level socialization processes with that of states or groups.
|
|
| 5. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-
(författare)
-
A Response to Ilmari Käihkö's "On Brokers, Commodification of Information and Liberian Former Combatants"
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Civil Wars. - : Routledge. - 1369-8249 .- 1743-968X. ; 24:4, s. 535-546
-
Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In a recent article in Civil Wars, Ilmari Käihkö criticizes my research approach of collaborating with ex-commanders to study their own ex-command structures. While I welcome a discussion concerning the pros and cons of employing this approach, it must be based on a correct representation of the methods that I have used. Kaihko does not do this in his article, and he makes a number of false statements about my research. My ambition with this paper is to set the record straight and pave the way for a more productive discussion about how to best study ex-command structures.
|
|
| 6. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
-
Building a Safety Net : Explaining the Strength of Ex-Military Networks
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 29:2, s. 268-300
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of excombatants has become an integral part of peacebuilding. Although the main purpose of such interventions is to dissolve the military structures of armed groups, there is growing evidence that ex-combatant networks often remain intact. We investigate why such structures continue to thrive. We argue that ex-military networks are stronger when ex-commanders have weak links to elite patronage systems. Ex-combatants who are unable to rely on their former superiors for economic assistance must instead build denser ties to each other to gain access to a social safety net. To assess our argument, we conduct a comparative social network analysis (SNA) of two ex-military networks in Liberia. This innovative approach helps us uncover previously overlooked, but central, dynamics related to ex-combatant groups. We thereby show that SNA provides a range of underutilized tools and exact definitions that can increase our understanding of ex-military networks.
|
|
| 7. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
-
Buying Them Off or Scaring Them Straight : Explaining Warlord Democrats' Electoral Rhetoric
- 2020
-
Ingår i: Security Studies. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0963-6412 .- 1556-1852. ; 29:1, s. 1-33
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Post–civil war democracies are characterized by intense electoral competition. To ensure continued political relevance, ex-military-turned-politicians, or “warlord democrats” (WDs), can either engage in a rhetoric of fear or ease societal tensions by employing a rhetoric of peace. WDs’ choice of rhetoric can have a profound impact on durable peace by altering societal discourses concerning the legitimacy of using violence. A key question is therefore: Why do some WDs employ a rhetoric of fear, and others a rhetoric of peace, when running for office? We argue that the choice of rhetoric is a function of the patrimonial endowments WDs possess; if WDs lack the resources and social networks needed to distribute patronage, they may instead use a rhetoric of fear to rally voters. To highlight the explanatory value of this proposition, we compare two Liberian WDs who ran for the Senate in 2005—Adolphus Dolo and Prince Johnson.
|
|
| 8. |
|
|
| 9. |
- Themnér, Anders, Docent, 1976-
(författare)
-
On Brokers, Biases and Leaving the Veranda : Working with Research Brokers in Political Science Based Field Research
- 2022
-
Ingår i: Civil Wars. - : Routledge. - 1369-8249 .- 1743-968X. ; 24:1, s. 117-139
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this paper I critically discuss the pros and cons of working with research brokers from a political science perspective. I do this by sharing my experiences of collaborating with two types of local "fixers" - cultural and communal brokers. I argue that even if similar approaches risk introducing a number of broker-induced biases, countermeasures can be taken to mitigate their effect: e.g. continuous triangulation, interviewing "sleepers" and asking in-depth questions to exclude interviewees who misrepresent themselves. However, researchers must be aware that working with multiple brokers can also generate methodological and ethical challenges that need to be taken into consideration.
|
|
