| 1. |
- Kehl, Katharina, et al.
(författare)
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På rätt sida av historien? Hbtq-rättigheter som global politik
- 2021
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Ingår i: Feministiska perspektiv på global politik. - 9789144140209 ; , s. 181-194
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Detta kapitel introducerar queera perspektiv på global politik med utgångspunkt i en diskussion om politisk mobilisering kring hbtq-frågor på nationell och transnationell nivå. Att diskutera global politik utifrån ett queerperspektiv handlar inte enbart om att ”lägga till” hbtq-personer. Snarare innebär en queer analys att kritiskt granska vissa av de antaganden kring säkerhet, makt och förtryck som ofta präglar studiet av internationella relationer (inklusive feministiska studier). Det finns ingen vedertagen definition av vad som kännetecknar ett queert perspektiv, men termen avser ofta olika tillvägagångssätt som ifrågasätter och destabiliserar normer, praktiker och institutioner relaterade till sexualitet, kön, och genus. Fältet är influerat av poststrukturella teorier om identitet, homosexuella studier, lesbisk feminism, transstudier, postkoloniala perspektiv, kritiska rasstudier och aktivistiska traditioner utanför akademin. I första delen av kapitlet presenterar vi viktiga begrepp och debatter i queera studier av global politik. I andra delen ger vi två exempel på hur en queer analys av globala politiska fenomen kan se ut, dels genom en analys av evenemanget Pride Järva, dels genom en diskussion om idén om Ryssland som försvarare av ”traditionella värden”.
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| 2. |
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| 3. |
- Persson, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Banning “Homosexual Propaganda” : Belonging and Visibility in Contemporary Russian Media
- 2015
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Ingår i: Sexuality & Culture. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1095-5143 .- 1936-4822. ; 19:2, s. 256-274
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article investigates Russian mainstream media’s coverage of the 2013 legislation banning “propaganda for non-traditional sexuality”. Inspired by theories on belonging, media and visibility, it reconstructs a dominant narrative representing non-heterosexuals as threatening the future survival of the nation, as imposing the sex-radical norms of a minority onto the majority, or as connected to an imperialistic West which aims to destroy Russia. This story, it is argued, functions as a hegemonic grammar regulating how non-heterosexuality is seen and heard in the public sphere. However, it is argued that sometimes the linearity and cohesiveness of the narrative breaks down, when things appear that do not fit this model of interpretation. The analysis illustrates how contestations of belonging in contemporary media are increasingly structured according to the logic of visibility: dominant actors attempt to regulate what can be seen and heard in the public sphere whereas oppositional actors attempt to establish their own visibility in the mediated space of appearance, putting forward alternative constructions of the nation and who belongs to it.
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| 4. |
- Persson, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Homofobins geopolitik : En studie av rysk mediebevakning av förbudet mot ”homosexuell propaganda”
- 2014
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Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift. - : Fahlbeckska stiftelsen. - 0039-0747. ; 116:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In Russia, as in some other countries around the world, we are currently witnessing a wave of politically sanctioned homophobia, most concretely manifested in the 2013 law against “homosexual propaganda”. By examining Russian mainstream media reporting, this article aims to reconstruct a dominant narrative on homosexuality and LGBT rights. It is found that this narrative revolves around three tropes: 1) that non-heterosexuals are a threat to the nation, 2) that LGBT rights are about imposing the minority´s norms onto the majority; and 3) that LGBT rights is bound up with Western modernity, to which Russia offers an alternative. Discussing the findings in light of theories on nationalism, gender and sexuality, I argue that homophobia in Russia must be understood in a global geopolitical perspective: as an attempt to negotiate a meaningful international role for Russia in a world order where LGBT rights have become a symbolic marker of Western modernity.
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| 5. |
- Persson, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Political Mythmaking and the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi : Olympism and the Russian Great Power Myth
- 2014
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Ingår i: East European Politics. - : Taylor & Francis. - 2159-9165 .- 2159-9173 .- 1352-3279. ; 30:2, s. 192-209
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The theoretical point of departure of this paper is that the perspective of political myth adds to the understanding of political developments in Russia. The upcoming Olympic Winter Games in Sochi in 2014 are discursively constructed as a manifestation of Russia's return to great power status. In official Russian discourse, there is an encounter between the Russian great power myth and the myth of Olympism, both of which are employed to strengthen the status of Russia and of President Putin personally. Thus, the Olympic values of humanism, internationalism, and progress are merged with Russian great power ideals. But there are also examples where the prevailing myths are turned around to criticise the regime and the Sochi Games. However, the most serious challenge to the Putin regime may stem from the great power myth itself, should the regime prove unable to deliver what it requires.
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| 6. |
- Persson, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Russia on display : Sochi-2014 as a project of belonging in contemporary media
- 2013
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Ingår i: Zhurnal Sotsiologii i Sotsialnoi Antropologii. - : Izd-vo Sankt-Peterburgskogo universiteta. - 1029-8053. ; 70:5, s. 221-234
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Mediated mega-events are essentially projects of belonging: about imagining communities and about creating attachment to such collective selves. However, events like the Olympic Games are not only an opportunity for states to reinforce official constructions of belonging but can also be sites for the articulation and dissemination of contesting identity narratives. This article investigates Russian media narratives around the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, mainstream as well as alternative. It is argued that the Russian regime uses the Olympics to create national and global visibility for a specific project of belonging: that of a re-emerging great power – strong and united – but also an inclusive and tolerant place which can serve as an international example of ethnic and religious conviviality. This imagined community, however, rests on exclusions and silences. In addition, three alternative projects of belonging, emerging from the Circassian diaspora, LGBT rights activists and Islamists, are examined. Although these are very different, they all attempt to use the spotlight of the Sochi Olympics to disrupt the mainstream narrative and create visibility for challenging imaginations of community. On the more general level the article argues that the media contestations around the Sochi Olympics provide an insight into how the quest for visibility has become a central dynamic in the Russian media environment.
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| 7. |
- Persson, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Tears in the patchwork : the Sochi Olympics and the display of a multiethnic nation
- 2013
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Ingår i: Euxeinos. - : Center for Governance and Culture in Europe, University of S:t Gallen. - 2296-0708. ; 12, s. 15-25
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This article examines what kind of Russia is being projected in official rhetoric about the Sochi Olympics, arguing that the imagined community of Sochi-2014 is a diverse, inclusive and tolerant nation, even an international example of ethnic conviviality. The article puts this narrative in historical perspective, relating it to the mnogonatsionalnost policies of tsarist, Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. It is argued that this imagination, though explicitly very inclusive, rests on important exclusions and silences. By selective exhibitions of minority-groups the other is domesticated, stereotyped and reduced to kitsch and folklore, glossing over conflict-ridden histories and prevailing inequalities.
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| 8. |
- Petersson, Bo, et al.
(författare)
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Coveted, detested and unattainable? : Images of the US superpower role and self-images of Russia in Russian print media discourse
- 2011
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Ingår i: International journal of cultural studies. - : SAGE Publications. - 1367-8779 .- 1460-356X. ; 14:1, s. 71-89
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores how the image of the USA has developed in two major Russian daily newspapers, Izvestiya and Komsomolskaya Pravda, in a time period comprised of a total 20 weeks' of study in the years of 1984, 1994, 2004 and 2009. For Russia this time span was dramatic: it moved from seemingly stable superpower in the 1980s, over the chaos after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, to the partial comeback to great power status at the beginning of the 21st century. While telling the story of how the image of the USA has evolved, the article also describes how Russian self-images have developed. The image projected of the USA was Manichean in the 1980s, whereas the most benevolent images were found in the 1990s. The examples from 2004 and 2009 reflect an assertive Russia that is back on the world stage. The USA is here again often criticized, but also - as before - comprises the scale against which Russia itself is measured.
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| 9. |
- Altermark, Niklas, et al.
(författare)
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Visualizing the included subject : photography, progress narratives and intellectual disability
- 2018
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Ingår i: Subjectivity. - : Palgrave Macmillan. - 1755-6341 .- 1755-635X. ; 11:4, s. 287-302
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- By examining photographic depictions of subjects labeled as ‘intellectually disabled’, this article theorizes how photography performs the ideological function of producing narratives of historical progression. Recurrent representations of, on the one hand, a dark past of state institutionalization and repression and, on the other hand, the present as a time when intellectually disabled people are active, included and happy, function to locate oppression in a bygone era, which effectively obscures how power has transformed rather than disappeared. This relates to how the narrative break between the past exclusion and present inclusion conceals an inherent paradox in the constitution of intellectually disabled subjectivity; at the same time, members of this group are both included by citizenship and classified as lacking the necessary characteristics of the ideal citizen.
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| 10. |
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| 11. |
- Brock, Maria, et al.
(författare)
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“You Cannot Oppress Those Who Do Not Exist” : Gay Persecution in Chechnya and the Politics of In/visibility
- 2020
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Ingår i: GLQ - A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies. - : Duke University Press. - 1064-2684 .- 1527-9375. ; 26:4, s. 673-700
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Reports in April 2017 regarding a state-initiated wave of homophobic persecution in Chechnya attracted worldwide outrage. Numerous witnesses spoke of arrests, abuse, and murders of gay men in the republic. In response, a spokesman of Chechnya’s president, Ramzan Kadyrov, claimed that “you cannot … oppress those who simply do not exist.” In this article, with the antigay purge in Chechnya and in particular the denial of queer existence as their starting point, Brock and Edenborg examine more deeply processes of erasure and disclosure of queer populations in relation to state violence and projects of national belonging. They discuss (1) what the events in Chechnya tell us about visibility and invisibility as sites of queer liberation, in light of recent discussions in LGBT visibility politics; (2) what the episodes tell us about the epistemological value of queer visibility, given widespread media cynicism and disbelief in the authenticity of images as evidence; and (3) what role the (discursive and physical) elimination of queers plays in relation to spectacular performances of nationhood. Taken together, the authors’ findings contribute to a more multifaceted understanding of the workings of visibility and invisibility and their various, sometimes contradictory, functions in both political homophobia and queer liberation.
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| 12. |
- Brock, Maria, et al.
(författare)
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“You Cannot Oppress Those Who Do Not Exist”
- 2020
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Ingår i: GLQ - A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies. - : Duke University Press. - 1064-2684 .- 1527-9375. ; 26:4, s. 673-700
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Reports in April 2017 regarding a state-initiated wave of homophobic persecution in Chechnya attracted worldwide outrage. Numerous witnesses spoke of arrests, abuse, and murders of gay men in the republic. In response, a spokesman of Chechnya’s president, Ramzan Kadyrov, claimed that “you cannot … oppress those who simply do not exist.” In this article, with the antigay purge in Chechnya and in particular the denial of queer existence as their starting point, Brock and Edenborg examine more deeply processes of erasure and disclosure of queer populations in relation to state violence and projects of national belonging. They discuss (1) what the events in Chechnya tell us about visibility and invisibility as sites of queer liberation, in light of recent discussions in LGBT visibility politics; (2) what the episodes tell us about the epistemological value of queer visibility, given widespread media cynicism and disbelief in the authenticity of images as evidence; and (3) what role the (discursive and physical) elimination of queers plays in relation to spectacular performances of nationhood. Taken together, the authors’ findings contribute to a more multifaceted understanding of the workings of visibility and invisibility and their various, sometimes contradictory, functions in both political homophobia and queer liberation.
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| 13. |
- Carlsson, Nina
(författare)
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One Nation, One Language? : National minority and Indigenous recognition in the politics of immigrant integration
- 2021
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Policies regulating immigrant integration constitute a core element of nation-building through the compliance they prescribe with cultural and linguistic norms. The recognition of multiple national belongings in states with national minorities and Indigenous peoples nevertheless challenges majority-centred notions of what integration should entail. Research on connections between integration and recognition, however, has mainly focused on minority substates such as Quebec and Catalonia, where local integration policies align with the respective minority nationalist project, leaving other contexts of recognition largely unexplored.By employing critical and interpretive approaches to the study of politics, this study aims to explore connections, separations, and synergies between policies of national minority recognition and immigrant integration in Europe. Using a combination of document analysis, interviews, and ethnographic observation, it asks how integration policy produces or counters expressions of majority nationhood in states with recognized minorities, how colonial or imperial legacies shape such policies, and what normative tensions can be identified between the promotion of majority and minority identities. Theoretically, it draws on scholarship on liberal multiculturalism, settler colonial studies, and theories on belonging and boundary-making.The four articles of this compilation dissertation combine empirical findings with normative questions. States with recognized minorities in EU27 are shown to reproduce majority nationhood through integration, which clashes with minority protection and with some migrants’ aspirations. In Finland, where the Swedish-speaking minority enjoys equal linguistic recognition with the majority, the minority and migrants are shown to mobilize to ensure the implementation of minority elements in the predominantly majority-centred integration. In Indigenous Swedish Sápmi, state-led integration is found to largely reproduce colonial practices, which are nevertheless also occasionally challenged. In Bulgaria, Turkish-speaking, Muslim minorities are othered in society and marginal within integration, even though post-Ottoman Muslim institutions have come to function as spaces of belonging for recent refugees.Integration policies are shown to misrecognize minorities and thereby fail to represent the actual heterogeneity faced by migrants. Past and present linguistic, religious, racial, and societal contestations are shown to intersect in complex, layered ways that contemporary monolingual, territory-based models of minority recognition and integration fail to capture. The study’s findings have normative implications for research on minority recognition and integration and call for contextually sensitive perspectives to rethink present policies that serve the goals of majority nation-building rather than mirror actual societal belongings.
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| 14. |
- Edenborg, Emil
(författare)
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Anti-Gender Politics as Discourse Coalitions : Russia’s Domestic and International Promotion of “Traditional Values”
- 2023
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Ingår i: Problems of Post-Communism. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1075-8216 .- 1557-783X. ; 70:2, s. 175-184
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article proposes Maarten Hajer’s concept of discourse coalition for analyzing anti-gender politics and its interlinkages with other forms of opposition to sexual and gender equality. The perspective conceptualizes how actors with disparate ideological, philosophical, and religious views can communicate and produce meaningful interventions, if they share certain storylines. This primarily conceptual contribution is illustrated with a study of how “traditional values” are promoted by the Russian state. Two storylines, stressing the needs to protect “traditional values” from outside interference, and children from harmful sexual information, enable discursive affinities and interconnections across differences, domestically, internationally, and transnationally.
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| 15. |
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| 16. |
- Edenborg, Emil
(författare)
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Creativity, geopolitics and ontological security : satire on Russia and the war in Ukraine
- 2017
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Ingår i: Postcolonial Studies. - : Routledge. - 1368-8790 .- 1466-1888. ; 20:3, s. 294-316
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Some states create geographical imaginaries that envision the homeland as coherent and good, and the spaces of Others as disordered, dangerous and therefore legitimate objects of violence. Such ‘violent cartographies’ serve not only to justify policy actions, but constitute bordering practices aiming to provide stability, integrity and continuity to the Self, sometimes referred to as ‘ontological security’. This article examines the role of creativity and artistic imagination in challenging dominant geopolitical narratives. It examines satire on the Russian-language internet, which played upon the Russian state’s geopolitical narrative about the war in Ukraine 2014–15. Three themes within this dominant narrative – (1) the imperialist idea of Russia as a modernising force, (2) the gendering of Ukraine as feminine and Europe as homosexual and (3) the idea that the current war was a re-enactment of Russia’s historical battle against fascism – all became the object of fun-making in satire. I argue that satire, by appropriating, repeating but slightly displacing official rhetoric in ways that make it appear ridiculous, may destabilise dominant narratives of ontological security and challenge their strive towards closure. Satire may expose the silences of dominant narratives and undermine the essentialism and binarism upon which they rely, opening up for estrangement and disidentification.
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| 17. |
- Edenborg, Emil
(författare)
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Den ryska hbtq-rörelsen från glasnost till kriget i Ukraina : Ett civilsamhällesperspektiv på Rysslands misslyckade demokratisering
- 2023
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Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift. - 0039-0747. ; 125:1, s. 197-220
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This essay aims to describe and analyze the movement for gay rights – later LGBTQ rights – in Russia from its inception in the late 1980s until the time of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The study is guided by theoretical concepts from social movement studies, and is based on previous research as well as inter-views with activists conducted by the author. The essay outlines a complex trajec-tory, where the building of a more professional and well-organized movement has occurred alongside increased state repression and stigmatization of LGBTQ activ-ism. While the findings are not directly generalizable to other civil society move-ments, they allow us to make broader reflections about the dangers of a too-linear view on democratic transition, about the relation between a movement’s visibil-ity and its success, and about how a state’s geopolitical orientation impacts civil society.
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| 18. |
- Edenborg, Emil
(författare)
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Disinformation and gendered boundarymaking : Nordic media audiences making sense of “Swedish decline”
- 2022
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Ingår i: Cooperation and Conflict. - : SAGE Publications. - 0010-8367 .- 1460-3691. ; 57:4, s. 496-515
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article examines how Russian geostrategic communication is entangled in global gender politics. The aim is to understand the resonance of disinformation in relation to culturalized, ethnicized and racialized narratives of gender, or “gendered boundarymaking.” The analysis is based on focus group discussions with Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian individuals, asked to share their impressions of news articles from the Russian media agency Sputnik, which all depicted Sweden as a warning example of multiculturalism and feminism gone “too far.” In the discussions, participants opposed a gender equal “self” to a patriarchal immigrant “other,” narrated Sweden as a country exceptionally concerned with gender, and tapped into competing temporalities of progress and decline. The article contributes to research on geostrategic communication by showing how disinformation efforts draw upon gendered national identities and debates about gender and immigration. More importantly, the article demonstrates that such gendered boundarymaking shapes audiences’ interpretations in crucial ways. Rather than viewing disinformation only from a state-centered lens of national security, in isolation from racism, Islamophobia, anti-feminism, and queerphobia within Western societies, research should acknowledge the interconnections between geostrategic communication and everyday boundarymaking. This will be pivotal to developing counterstrategies to disinformation, whether Russian or homegrown.
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Edenborg, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Introduktion
- 2021
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Ingår i: Feministiska perspektiv på global politik. - Lund : Studentlitteratur AB. - 9789144140209 ; , s. 11-22
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 22. |
- Edenborg, Emil, et al.
(författare)
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Introduktion
- 2021
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Ingår i: Feministiska perspektiv på global politik. - Lund : Studentlitteratur AB. - 9789144140209 ; , s. 11-22
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 23. |
- Edenborg, Emil
(författare)
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Nothing more to see : Contestations of belonging and visibility in Russian media
- 2016
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the role of visibility in the production and contestation of belonging to political communities. On the basis of an empirical enquiry of Russian media during the 2010s, a theoretical conceptualization of the relation between visibility and belonging is suggested, starting in the idea that what becomes visible to publics and how, and what is rendered invisible, are the objects of constant political regulation and contestation. The suggested theory seeks to move beyond both an exclusively speech-oriented approach to belonging, and a binary view on visibility as either emancipatory or repressive. In three case studies, the thesis explores aspects of the problem of belonging and visibility. In all cases – each of which focuses on a specific project of belonging as enacted in contemporary Russian media – gendered, sexualized and ethnicized conceptions of community are at the center of the contestations. First, by analyzing narratives in Russian media about the 2013 ban on “homosexual propaganda”, the thesis shows that as projects of belonging produce specific gendered and sexualized conceptions of community, they seek to regulate the visibility of undesired, non-normative subjectivities. However, those regulatory efforts contain tensions that may serve as starting points for contestation. Second, by studying media narratives about the 2014 Sochi Olympics, the thesis shows that spectacular media events may serve to depoliticize particular notions of community by making them hypervisible and producing them as natural and inevitable, but such events may also serve as sites of repoliticization. Third, by analyzing how the Russian state-promoted narrative on the war in Ukraine 2014-15 was challenged, by Russian internet satire and by the media exposure of how Russian soldiers who had died in Ukraine were secretly buried, the thesis shows that contestations of dominant projects of belonging draw on invisibility, and often have an ambivalent, inside/outside relation to dominant narratives. The central claim of the thesis is that projects of belonging, aimed at (re)constituting political communities and their boundaries, seek to produce particular arrangements of visibility regulating what can be seen and how it can be seen in the public sphere, and what cannot be seen. Moreover, as visibility cannot be fixed entirely, precisely those arrangements become the target of political contestation. On a more analytically useful level, it is suggested that politics of belonging involves efforts to contain, amplify and contest visibility.
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