| 1. |
- Filimonov, Kirill, et al.
(författare)
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Picturing the party : Instagram and party campaigning in the 2014 Swedish elections
- 2016
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Ingår i: Social Media + Society. - : SAGE Publications. - 2056-3051. ; 2:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores Swedish parties’ activities on Instagram during the 2014 elections. Understanding party campaign communication as highly strategic, that is, communication to persuade and mobilize voters in order to win the elections, we ask whether Instagram was used to (1) broadcast campaign messages, (2) mobilize supporters, (3) manage the party’s image, and (4) amplify and complement other campaign material (i.e., hybrid campaign use). With this study, we follow previous studies on the use of digital communication platforms in the hands of campaigning political actors, but we direct our attention to a new platform. We conducted a content analysis of 220 party postings on Instagram, collected during the hot phase of the campaign. The result shows that the platform was mainly used for broadcasting rather than for mobilization. The image the parties were presenting leaned toward personalization with a strong presence of top candidates in their postings. Top candidates were primarily displayed in a political/professional context. Finally, half of the analyzed postings showed signs of hybridized campaign practices. The presented findings give a first glimpse on how political parties use and perform on Instagram.
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| 2. |
- Klinger, Ulrike, et al.
(författare)
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Network Media Logic : Some Conceptual Considerations
- 2016
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Ingår i: <em>Routledge Companion to Social Media and Politics</em>. - New York : Routledge. - 113886076X ; , s. 23-38
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this chapter we revisit our concept of network media logic and further develop it in relation with political logics. The perspective of network media logic is useful to explain how social media platforms change political communication without resorting to technological determinism or normalization. By relating network media logic to both mass media logics as well as political logics we are able outline how these are distinctly different, while still overlapping in terms of how political communication is produced, distributed and used. In this chapter we pay particular attention to how ideals, commercial imperatives, and technological affordances differ in news mass media and on social media platforms in terms of media production, media distribution and media usage.
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| 3. |
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| 4. |
- Klinger, Ulrike, et al.
(författare)
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The Emergence of Network Media Logic in Political Communication : A Theoretical Approach
- 2015
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Ingår i: New Media and Society. - : SAGE Publications. - 1461-4448 .- 1461-7315. ; 17:8, s. 1241-1257
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article we propose a concept of network media logic in order to discuss how online social media platforms change political communication without resorting to technological determinism or normalization. We argue that social media platforms operate with a distinctly different logic from that of traditional mass media, though overlapping with it. This is leading to different ways of producing content, distributing information and using media. By discussing the differences between traditional mass media and social media platforms in terms of production, consumption and use, we carve out the central elements of network media logic – that is, the rules/format of communication on social media platforms – and some consequences for political communication.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Neumayer, Christina, et al.
(författare)
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Activism and radical politics in the digital age : Towards a typology
- 2016
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Ingår i: Convergence. The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-8565 .- 1748-7382. ; 22:2, s. 131-146
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article aims to develop a typology for evaluating different types of activism in the digital age, based on the ideal of radical democracy. Departing from this ideal, activism is approached in terms of processes of identification by establishing conflictual frontiers to outside Others as either adversaries or enemies. On the basis of these discussions, we outline a typology of four kinds of activists: the salon activist, the contentious activist, the law-abiding activist, and the Gandhian activist. The typology’s first axis, between antagonism and agonism, is derived from normative discussions in radical democracy concerning developing frontiers. The second axis, about readiness to engage in civil disobedience, is derived from a review of studies of different forms of online activism. The article concludes by suggesting that the different forms of political engagement online have to be taken into account when studying how online activism can contribute to social change.
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| 7. |
-
Promoting social change through Infirmation Technology
- 2015
-
Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
- PREFACEInformation and Communication Technology (ICT) has become an integral part of our daily life and correspondingly information technology finds a variety of applications in the planning, implementation and monitoring of several social development programs and projects. It is becoming among the most prevalent tools for international development and social change, including opening up new arenas for civic participation and protest in countries as diverse as Egypt (see chapter five), Spain (see chapter six), China (see chapter seven) and Russia (see chapter eight). It is to this development that the present volume speaks. In particular, we ask whether and what contextual circumstances are important for ICTs in promoting democracy and social change.The background to this subject matter can be found in the phenomenal increase of ICTs worldwide, not only in the West. Nowadays, when citizens around the Globe want to voice their opinions, define their political identities and change their life situations, they increasingly do so by using online platforms, mobile telephones and other information technologies. To start, the rise and spread of the Internet has been remarkable. The number of users has increased from 40 million in 1995 to 2,7 billion in 2013 according to ITU (International Telecommunication Union). This represents approximately 40 per cent of the world population. However, the Internet is surpassed another ICT here, the mobile telephone. Mobile cellular subscriptions reached more than 95 per cent of the world population (as per ITU data from 2014). Important to notice here, the rate of increase in penetration of the mobile phones has been higher in so-called developing countries rather than in so-called developed counties (as highlighted in chapter two). While the Internet is yet to achieve the same reach as mobile telephony, it is worth to mention the very fast increase in the use of so-called smart handheld devises in countries like India during the last couple of years is making it increasingly difficult to separate the two (Internet and Mobile Phone Devices). Indeed, mobile phone adoption probably will pave the way for digital connectivity, both through smart phones as well as through broadband connection via the mobile phone. For example, even though Internet connectivity is rather low among the citizens in East Africa, the ones who do get connected to the World Wide Web mostly use mobile and wireless broadband. This suggests that developing regions probably will leapfrog the fixed (cable/ fiber) broadband phase countries in the West have been through. This increase and social integration of ICTs around the Globe serves as a point of departure for chapters in this volume.It has been argued that the rise of ICTs is among the most important developments of the century, changing the ways societies function as well as its relations of power. The spread and diversity of ICTs together with their equally diverse applications in different domains of human life are posing a range of questions at every moment. Researchers around the Globe are working to take-up these questions and challenges. It is especially the raised expectations of democracy and social change that has accompanied this increase of ICTs worldwide that we want to address in this volume. The question on the potentials of ICTs to promote democracy and social change has sparked a debate between what is often labelled as techno-optimists and techno-pessimists. This debate is partly addressed in chapter three of the volume. But since this is perhaps the major dividing line of studies in ICTs, democracy and social change – it deserves a further mention here, as a background to the subject matter as well as to discern how the present volume relates to this debate.As always, whenever a new media technology is introduced, hopes and expectations (as well as outrage) are raised and invested into practices of this new media technology. Surely the emerging communication landscapes exhibit exciting possibilities for political discussion, protest mobilization and organization, offering citizens new channels for voicing concerns, speaking and acting together (participation in other words). The popular uprisings in the MENA (Middle East and North Africa) region have provided us with examples of how information circulation using online platforms can induce processes of democratization and political developments (see chapter five in this volume). Hence, the more techno-optimist stand of researchers and practitioners has argued that the long-raging debate over the potential of the digital technology, so- called “new” or “social” media and mobile telephony to invigorate citizens’ participation in a democracy and promote social change, is not a matter of speculation anymore. In particular, they argue that these ICTs lower the threshold for political participation and social change all over the world.Still there are many questions around the claim of ICTs as tools for democratic participation and social change. Most of the uprisings in the MENA region failed (in terms of that democracy has not yet been achieved, apart from Tunisia). Furthermore, it has been argued that labelling these uprisings as Twitter or Facebook revolutions is both uncritical and ignorant of the real dynamics behind theses uprisings. Indeed, even though we have access today to numerous examples of the use of the digital technology and mobile phones for democratic participation and social change, very few democratic movements and social change projects have succeed through ICTs alone.Alongside with high-profile protests and so-called “social media revolutions”, research in the field has also revolved around less conspicuously, and perhaps more mundane, E-Government/ E-Services projects, offering access to asserted citizen centric services and improved processing of government-to-citizen transactions. Addressing the subject matter of ICTs democracy and social change these more mundane government uses of ICTs are also of interest to us in this book. Here, optimists argue that ICTs have emerged as powerful tools for reaching to the ever-increasing information demands of our contemporary societies. Indeed, governments across the Globe – from countries like India (see chapter nine) to countries like Australia (see chapter ten) –are increasingly focusing on such projects and many success stories have been accounted for in the academic literature of remarkable developments of E-Government services in the last five years. On the other hand, more pessimistic voices have been raised in regards to E-Government and E-Services in relation to issues of surveillance and data privacy in light of Edward Snowden’s revelation of United States NSA (National Security Agency) massive data collection of private citizens. In this volume, the issue of surveillance (video surveillance in particular) is addressed in chapter four. Here we also need to mention that consumerism and corporate ownership of information technologies and so-called social media platforms have also raised concerns of whether users communication practices are capitalized on by non-accountable commercial enterprises (to some extent addressed in chapter three).Hence, on the one hand we are witnessing that increased access to ICTs has resulted in an array of new uses, innovative designs, practices and strategies often accompanied by success stories of democratic development and social change both in small and large scale. On the other hand, we are still groping in the dark when it comes to understanding the place of the ICTs in the shifting landscapes of democracy, government practices and social welfare around the Globe. We therefore invited scholarly research to shed light on these issues. In particular, we wanted to include two issues in relation to this long-raging debate between pessimists and optimist: 1) a focus on contextual matters and 2) research and researchers with a background in the global south. This is also how we situate this volume in the debate between techno-optimists and techno-pessimists. We contribute to the debate on how democracy and social change may be promoted through ICTs by 1) providing case studies in which contextual factors are highlighted and 2), by including studies and authors from four different continents (Africa, Asia, Australia and Europe). We are thus able to provide a broader perspective on the subject matter.Hence, the chapters in this volume provide examples of more optimist as well as more pessimist discourses on the roles of ICTs for promoting democracy and social change. We as editors have not wanted to put our foot down in this debate; we leave it to the reader to evaluate the benefits and constraints of ICTs in the contexts within which these chapters are written. As such this volume will serve very well as material for discussion in class as well as in study-circles. Indeed, the picture is often more complicated than fervent techno-optimists or techno-pessimists claim. The very different contexts within which ICTs are used and appropriated today make it difficult to generalize on an overall positive or negative “effect” of a communication platform and a technological practice. Therefore, we have asked the authors to rather focus on the contexts within which their cases are set. We strongly believe it is out of the contexts and cultures that ICTs are used and appropriated that they are best evaluated.We have also put explicit emphasis to include non-Western contexts and voices. As such, this volume taps into research in the field of ICT4D (Information and Communication Technology for Development). Development agencies and governments have started to take interest in the use of ICTs to further democracy also in so-called developing regions. Indeed, the field of ICT4D has also been informed by the increase of ICTs around the Globe. Examples tha
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Strand, Cecilia, 1972-, et al.
(författare)
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“Fake News” on Sexual Minorities is “Old News” : Study of Digital Platforms as Spaces for Challenging Inaccurate Reporting on Ugandan Sexual Minorities
- 2019
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Ingår i: Ecquid Novi. - : Taylor & Francis. - 0256-0054 .- 1942-0773. ; 40:4, s. 77-95
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- For sexual minorities in Africa, fake news is nothing new. However, with the arrival of self-controlled digital platforms, sexual minorities are presented with new ways to counter coverage that misrepresents the community. Inspired by affordance theory and agenda-setting theory, this study explores whether self-controlled digital platforms are used to challenge false media reports on sexual minorities in Uganda, and if so, to what extent. Through a cross-media research design, the largest English-language daily newspaper, the government-owned New Vision, is analysed and positioned against the main sexual minority network's (SMUG’s) public Facebook and Twitter accounts at two points in time in 2013/2014 and in 2018. The study finds that, although social media channels afford direct engagement with false media reports, the platforms are under-utilised as spaces regarding countering false reporting on LGBTQIs. Furthermore, this lack of engagement with the media was found to be stable over time.
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| 11. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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A Double-Edged Sword. : Mobile phones and empowerment among market women in Kampala
- 2015
-
Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- In this article we depart from studies on empowerment and its intersections with the informal economy and market women in the global south and promises of the mobile phone in so-called developing regions. Conducting an explorative study among market women in Kampala, the aim is to study what role (if any) the mobile phone plays for them in terms of empowerment. Our findings resonate with studies from other parts of the world, suggesting that while pivotal for their business endeavours, mobile phone practices are also embedded in patriarchal structures. The article ends by discussing how these market women navigate the tensions between using the phone for their business and in relations to their partner. In this way the article contributes with a more nuanced and context specific understanding of mobile phone practices and the empowerment of market women.
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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Approaches to Development in M4D Studies: : An overview of Major Approaches
- 2015
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Ingår i: <em>Promoting social change through Information Technology</em>. - : IGI Global. ; , s. 26-48
-
Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- There is no doubt that the proliferation of mobile phones in developing regions has opened up a range of possibilities and new avenues for individuals, governments, development agencies and civil society organisations. But we also know that development is a disputed concept and conveys a range of different connotations. Therefore in this chapter we examine the areas, where mobile phones are discussed as vehicles for development (i.e. M4D), and how mobile communication is related to the idea(s) of development today. To examine this, we have reviewed M4D articles in three major conference series and in open source journals during 2008-2012. Three dominant areas of M4D emerge out of our sample: livelihood, health and civic participation. Largely being based on an economic understanding of development and biased towards techno-determinism we conclude this chapter by suggesting a future path for studying the impact of mobile communication in developing regions, something what we label as a dialectical approach.
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| 14. |
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| 15. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-
(författare)
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Deliberation, Dialogue or just Updating? : Activist social media practices in southern Stockholm
- 2015
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- This paper addresses social media platforms and their promise of deliberation. Based on a (n)ethnograpic inspired case study of middle class activists in southern Stockholm, the question this paper seeks to discuss is whether the activists in my study used social media platforms for deliberation, dialogue or for something else. The aim is to understand and discuss contemporary practices of activist political participation online. In this paper it will be argued that rather than deliberation, or dialogue for that matter, activists were engaging in practices of online updating. Such practices will be understood in light of late modern theories of reflexivity, identity negotiation and maintenance.Social media platforms are defined as different from other sites because they allow users to articulate their social networks while making them visible to other users (for one definition see Ellison and boyd, 2007, p. 2). The social media platforms used in southern Stockholm (Facebook, Twitter and Ning) provided activists with a new set of opportunities and different modes of processing information, networking and interacting with each other as well as the outside world. Social media platforms are no doubt altering the way we live and socialize, shaping the way things get done, providing access to information and giving us new tools that allow us to arrange and take part in all sorts of activities and encounters (Dahlgren, 2009; Leaning, 2009; Rheingold, 2002). In this paper I will argue that one practice emerging as dominant among contemporary activists is updating, often misleadingly labelled as sharing or interacting which in turn sometimes is confused with dialogue (which in turn is confused for deliberation).The paper starts with a brief look at the role of deliberation in Western and connected societies. This section will be followed by a description of the setting in southern Stockholm and the methods used to study the activists there. The analysis begins with an evaluation of the empirical findings in southern Stockholm against theories of deliberation. This will be followed by an argument making the case for updating being the appropriate concept to describe the activists' practices on the social media platforms they used. The paper continues with an analysis about how to understand such practices. Finally, I will end with a discussion on the implications of updating on political participation. Even though they cannot be considered dialogue or deliberation, practices of updating have certain consequences for participation and representative systems that could be considered positive and encouraging for democracy.
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| 16. |
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| 17. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-
(författare)
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Etnografi Online
- 2019
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Ingår i: Metoder i Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap. - : Studentlitteratur AB. - 9789144125701 ; , s. 51-72
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 18. |
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| 19. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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ICT4D post-2015 MDGs
- 2015
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- The development agenda created at the UN General Assembly year 2000 and the birth of the MDGs provided development partners a unique opportunity to focus efforts and pool resources. There mere fact that all goals came with clear sets of indicators also highlighted the renewed importance placed on evidence based monitoring and evaluation system. Although the post-2015 development agenda is still under formation, the establishment of a common robust monitoring and accountability framework is essential for future partnerships around the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as well as long-term public support.The following paper is based on a literature review of the ten highest ranking ICT4D journals’ research on mobile phone supported monitoring and evaluation systems of development cooperation in Africa. The review concludes that while there exists an abundance of pilot studies showcasing ICTs’ and mobiles in particular, potential to contribute to timely and cost efficient data collection, data management and analysis, there are very few examples of comprehensive and large scale monitoring and evaluation systems. Especially mobile technology’s potential to provide continuous feedback on monitoring and evaluation indicators, and potential for agile operational learning processes, appears to be both under-utilized and underdeveloped in development cooperation. With no less than 17 Sustainable Development Goals being proposed as the post-2015 MDG development framework, dynamic monitoring and accountability systems are more important than ever, and it is high time to explore how mobiles can support the post-2015 development agenda.
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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Identity Negotiation in Activist Participation Online
- 2015
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Ingår i: Communication, Culture & Critique. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 1753-9129 .- 1753-9137. ; 8:1, s. 144-162
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Most activism in connected societies has an online component. Social media accompany corporeal demonstrations, occupations, and protest marches. It is argued that such social media platforms play an increasingly important role when mobilizing across different political positions, coordinating and producing visibility for a political demand. In this article we will revisit 3 activist demands, all saturated by social media practices: (a) inhabitants in southern Stockholm fighting to save a local bathhouse, (b) the 2009 Austrian student protests, and (c) marches in Leipzig and Dresden to block Neo-Nazi marches. The aim is to analyze activist identity negotiations in these social media saturated cases, and contribute to the understanding of activist participation in our digital and connected age.
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| 22. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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Interacting With Whom? : Swedish Parliamentarians on Twitter during the 2014 Elections
- 2016
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Ingår i: International Journal of E-Politics. - 1947-9131 .- 1947-914X. ; 7:1, s. 1-15
-
Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores Swedish Parliamentarians’ Twitter practices during the 2014 general elections. For individual candidates, the political party is important for positions within the party and on the ballot, especially in a party-centered democracy. A previous qualitative (n)ethnographic research project during the previous elections in 2010, in which one campaigning politician was studied in-depth, found that her social media practices to a large extent were inward-facing, focusing on the own party network. But does this result resonate among all Swedish Parliamentarians? Specifically, we ask: is Twitter primarily used interactively, for intra-party communication, to interact with strategic voter groups or voters in general? By analyzing all Parliamentarians tweets two weeks up to the elections we conclude that retweeting was done within a party political network while @messaging was directed towards political opponents. Mass media journalists and editorial writers were important in Parliamentarians’ Twitter practices, while so-called ordinary voters were more absent.
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| 23. |
- Svensson, Jakob, 1976-, et al.
(författare)
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Interaction on Instagram? : Glimpses from the Swedish 2014 Elections
- 2015
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- This paper directs attention to the use of Instagram by political parties in the Swedish elections 2014. Instagram is a social media platform on the rise, centered on sharing pictures. Besides sharing pictures, Instagram also offers the opportunity for written communication. Users may tag the uploaded picture with a text (a caption), and followers may comment on the posting (the picture with or without the caption). The question we ask is whether and how political parties use Instagram when engaging in interaction with their followers on the platform. To study this we have collected all Instagram posts (postings with comments) during the “hot phase” of the campaign (four weeks prior to the elections) and one week after the elections
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| 24. |
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| 25. |
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