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- Uhlén, Mathias, et al.
(författare)
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A human protein atlas for normal and cancer tissues based on antibody proteomics
- 2005
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Ingår i: Molecular & Cellular Proteomics. - 1535-9476 .- 1535-9484. ; 4:12, s. 1920-1932
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Antibody-based proteomics provides a powerful approach for the functional study of the human proteome involving the systematic generation of protein-specific affinity reagents. We used this strategy to construct a comprehensive, antibody-based protein atlas for expression and localization profiles in 48 normal human tissues and 20 different cancers. Here we report a new publicly available database containing, in the first version, similar to 400,000 high resolution images corresponding to more than 700 antibodies toward human proteins. Each image has been annotated by a certified pathologist to provide a knowledge base for functional studies and to allow queries about protein profiles in normal and disease tissues. Our results suggest it should be possible to extend this analysis to the majority of all human proteins thus providing a valuable tool for medical and biological research.
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- Berglund, Sten, 1947-, et al.
(författare)
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The current state of political science in Sweden
- 2007
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Ingår i: The state of political science in Western Europe. - Opladen : Barbara Budrich. - 9783866490451 ; , s. 342-360
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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- Pukkala, Eero, et al.
(författare)
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Nordic biological specimen banks as basis for studies of cancer causes and control - more than 2 million sample donors, 25 million person years and 100 000 prospective cancers
- 2007
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Ingår i: Acta Oncologica. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1651-226X .- 0284-186X. ; 46:3, s. 286-307
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The Nordic countries have a long tradition of large-scale biobanking and comprehensive, population-based health data registries linkable on unique personal identifiers, enabling follow-up studies spanning many decades. Joint Nordic biobank-based studies provide unique opportunities for longitudinal molecular epidemiological research. The purpose of the present paper is to describe the possibilities for such joint studies, by describing some of the major Nordic biobank cohorts with a standardised calculation of the cancer incidence in these cohorts. Altogether two million donors have since 1966 donated more than four million biological samples, stored at -20 degrees C to -135 degrees C, to 17 biobank cohorts in Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden. As a result of joint database handling principles, the accuracy of personal identifiers and completeness of follow-up for vital status in all participating biobanks was improved. Thereafter, the cancer incidence was determined using follow-up through the national cancer registries. Biobanks based on random samples of population typically showed slightly lower cancer incidence rates than the general population, presumably due to better participation rates among health-conscious subjects. On the other hand, biobanks including samples for viral screening or clinical testing showed 1.5 to 2.1 fold increased incidence of cancer. This excess was very high immediately after sampling, but for some cancer sites remained elevated for years after clinical sampling. So far, more than 100 000 malignant neoplasms have occurred after sample donation, and the annual increase of the cancer cases in these cohorts is about 10 000. The estimates on the population-representativity of the biobanks will assist in interpretation of generalizability of results of future studies based on these samples, and the systematic tabulations of numbers of cancer cases will serve in study power estimations. The present paper summarizes optimal study designs of biobank-based studies of cancer.
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| 13. |
- Sedelius, Thomas, 1976-
(författare)
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The tug-of-war between presidents and prime ministers : semi-presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe
- 2006
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Presidential power and constitutional issues are at the very core of recent popular upheavals in the former Soviet republics, as demonstrated by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, and similar protests in Georgia in 2003 and in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. After the demise of the Soviet Union, these countries opted for a particular form of semi-presidentialism, here referred to as president-parliamentary. This dissertation deals with president-parliamentary systems, as well as with the other form of semi-presidentialism, namely premier-presidentialism. The study examines a typical feature of semi-presidentialism, i.e. intra-executive conflicts between the president and the prime minister/cabinet, by analysing the pattern, institutional triggers, and implications of such conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, the choice of semi-presidentialism and differences in transitional context and constitutional building are accounted for. The following countries are specifically dealt with: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, and Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The study’s empirical base is a mixture of data derived from literature, reports, review of constitutional documents, as well as from an expert survey conducted among analysts with an expert knowledge on the countries under scrutiny. The results suggest that both actor-oriented and historical-institutional factors have to be considered in order to understand why so many post-communist countries ended up with semi-presidentialism, and why there is such a sharp divide between Central Europe and the (non-Baltic) former Soviet republics with regard to the choice of semi-presidential type. The pattern of intra-executive struggles reveals that conflicts were somewhat more recurrent in the early period following the transition, but persist as a frequently occurring phenomenon throughout the post-communist period. The most common type of conflict has revolved around division of powers within the executive branch. As for triggers of conflict, the study suggests that certain institutional factors, such as electoral concurrence and party system fragmentation, have been important. Regarding the management of conflict, and the options available to the conflicting parties, the analysis indicates that the constitutional courts have played an important role as conflict mediators, and that attempts of changing the constitution, and using public addresses are options preferred by the presidents. Finally, the analysis shows that intra-executive conflict is associated with cabinet instability. A case study example also illustrates how the president-parliamentary framework can be related to policy ineffectiveness. The study finally concludes that premier-presidential systems have great governance potential provided that the party systems develop and consolidate. The conclusions regarding the president-parliamentary system are less encouraging, and it is argued that the adoption of this system is an important factor in relation to the failed democratisation in many post-Soviet countries.
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