| 1. |
- Bengtsson, Rikard, et al.
(författare)
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Internationell politisk ekonomi
- 2021. - 4
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Ingår i: Internationella relationer. - 9789144139463 ; , s. 336-356
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 2. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Citizens, Elites, and the Legitimacy of Global Governance
- 2022
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- Contemporary society has witnessed major growth in global governance, yet the legitimacy of global governance remains deeply in question. This book offers the first full comparative investigation of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. Empirically, it provides a comprehensive analysis of public and elite opinion toward global governance, building on two uniquely coordinated surveys covering multiple countries and international organizations. Theoretically, it develops an individual-level approach, exploring how a person’s characteristics in respect of socioeconomic status, political values, geographical identification, and domestic institutional trust shape legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. The book’s central findings are threefold. First, there is a notable and general elite–citizen gap in legitimacy beliefs toward global governance. While elites on average hold moderately high levels of legitimacy toward international organizations, the general public is decidedly more skeptical. Second, individual-level differences in interests, values, identities, and trust dispositions provide significant drivers of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs toward global governance, as well as the gap between the two groups. Most important on the whole are differences in the extent to which citizens and elites trust domestic political institutions, which shape how these groups assess the legitimacy of international organizations. Third, both patterns and sources of citizen and elite legitimacy beliefs vary across organizations and countries. These variations suggest that institutional and societal contexts condition attitudes toward global governance. The book’s findings shed light on future opportunities and constraints in international cooperation, suggesting that current levels of legitimacy point neither to a general crisis of global governance nor to a general readiness for its expansion.
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| 3. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Elite Communication and the Popular Legitimacy of International Organizations
- 2021
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Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science. - 0007-1234 .- 1469-2112. ; 51:3, s. 1292-1313
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of the effects of elite communication on citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Departing from cueing theory, it develops novel hypotheses about the effects of elite communication under the specific conditions of global governance. It tests these hypotheses by conducting a population-based survey experiment among almost 10,000 residents of three countries in relation to five IOs. The evidence suggests four principal findings. First, communication by national governments and civil society organizations has stronger effects on legitimacy perceptions than communication by IOs themselves. Secondly, elite communication affects legitimacy perceptions irrespective of whether it invokes IOs’ procedures or performance as grounds for criticism or endorsement. Thirdly, negative messages are more effective than positive messages in shaping citizens' legitimacy perceptions. Fourthly, comparing across IOs indicates that elite communication is more often effective in relation to the IMF, NAFTA and WTO, than the EU and UN.
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| 4. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa Maria, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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Why national and international legitimacy beliefs are linked : Social trust as an antecedent factor
- 2020
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Ingår i: The Review of International Organizations. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1559-7431 .- 1559-744X. ; 15:2, s. 311-337
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Recent public opinion research has established an empirical regularity of unusual stability and strength: citizen beliefs in the legitimacy of national and international institutions are highly linked. The dominant interpretation of this link holds that citizens draw on their perceptions of national institutions as a heuristic when forming opinions about international institutions. This article proposes an alternative mechanism, privileging social trust as an antecedent factor contributing to both national and international legitimacy beliefs. Using original survey data on citizen attitudes toward four international institutions in three countries, the article provides evidence for social trust as an antecedent factor, while granting no support for the dominant interpretation. The article suggests three broader implications: social trust has more far-reaching consequences for international cooperation than previously understood; political efforts to affect the legitimacy of international institutions are constrained by individual predispositions; and a comparative approach is central to the study of public attitudes toward international institutions.
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| 5. |
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| 6. |
- Dellmuth, Lisa, 1981-, et al.
(författare)
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The Elite-Citizen Gap in International Organization Legitimacy
- 2022
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Ingår i: American Political Science Review. - 0003-0554 .- 1537-5943. ; 116:1, s. 283-300
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Scholars and policy makers debate whether elites and citizens hold different views of the legitimacy of international organizations (IOs). Until now, sparse data has limited our ability to establish such gaps and to formulate theories for explaining them. This article offers the first systematic comparative analysis of elite and citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of IOs. It examines legitimacy beliefs toward six key IOs, drawing on uniquely coordinated survey evidence from Brazil, Germany, the Philippines, Russia, and the United States. We find a notable elite-citizen gap for all six IOs, four of the five countries, and all of six different elite types. Developing an individual-level approach to legitimacy beliefs, we argue that this gap is driven by systematic differences between elites and citizens in characteristics that matter for attitudes toward IOs. Our findings suggest that deep-seated differences between elites and general publics may present major challenges for democratic and effective international cooperation.
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| 7. |
- Fioretos, Orfeo, et al.
(författare)
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Politics and Theory of Global Governance
- 2020
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Ingår i: International Theory. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 1752-9719 .- 1752-9727. ; 13:1, s. 99-111
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- At a point when global governance appears to be at a crossroad, caught between globalizing and national populist forces, International Relations theorists are deeply immersed in debating what brought the world to this point. This contribution enlists Michael Zürn'sA Theory of Global Governance(2018) to explore the state of global governance theory through a focus on three substantive themes: authority, legitimacy, and contestation in global governance. It identifies the current state of theorizing on each theme, situates Zürn's claims within these literatures, and previews counterpoints from a variety of theoretical perspectives.
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| 8. |
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| 9. |
- Higham, Ian, 1989-
(författare)
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Explaining Early Adoption : National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights
- 2021
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Diffusion of innovations theory concerns the process by which innovations are communicated through the members of a social system. Previous research has shed significant light on how public policies diffuse across governments over time, but there is little understanding of why they diffuse. The answer may lie in the motivations of early adopters. When governments are the first to adopt policy innovations, they lack knowledge about the political, economic, and other costs of adopting the policy. Given the potential risks, it is not obvious why a government would want to be the first to adopt a policy innovation. This thesis investigates the question of what explains early adoption of policy innovations. It contributes to the international relations literature on policy diffusion by proposing a theoretical framework for studying early adoption that consists of four motivations: 1) Normative – the government adopts a policy because of a normative position on a particular objective; 2) Reputation – the government seeks to improve its image or garner legitimacy in the international community; 3) Competition – the government seeks to gain a competitive edge on other states in “races to the top”; and 4) Domestic lock-in – the government adopts a policy to “tie the hands” of future national governments.The thesis has an empirical focus on public policies for regulating corporations on human rights issues: National Action Plans on business and human rights (NAPs). These plans are national governments’ strategies for implementing the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs), a set of global policy norms that provide guidance for states and corporations on addressing the human rights impacts of business. As this field is largely neglected by political scientists, the thesis makes an additional empirical contribution to the burgeoning interdisciplinary literature on business and human rights. The theoretical framework is applied in a two-step, mixed-methods research design that includes a global mapping of NAPs and hypothesis testing. The thesis then presents three sets of comparative case studies: Colombia/Ecuador, United States/Canada, and France/Sweden. In the first four case studies, the theoretical framework is used to compare early adopters and laggards. In the final case study chapter, two early adopters are compared to determine whether there is potential to explain variation within the adopter category.The findings lead to several conclusions. First, normative commitment can provide a strong motivation for early adoption, and domestic actors are particularly important for shaping a government’s normative preferences. Second, governments with concerns about their international reputations are more likely to be early adopters, especially if reputation gains are linked to a reward. Third, governments act strategically to trigger races to the top, especially when they are more economically powerful. They thus adopt particular styles of regulation early to influence the style of regulation adopted elsewhere. Fourth, the desire to lock a policy in place domestically is an especially powerful motivation for early adoption, although it is not essential. Governments may seek to lock policies in place both in advance of imminent political loss and in the wake of domestic political strife. Finally, interactions between these motivations may give them more explanatory power and may explain the relative stringency of the policy adopted. Reputational concerns and the desire to lock policies in place are especially mutually reinforcing.
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| 10. |
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| 11. |
- Jacobs, Alan M., et al.
(författare)
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The Qualitative Transparency Deliberations : Insights and Implications
- 2021
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Ingår i: Perspectives on Politics. - 1537-5927 .- 1541-0986. ; 19:1, s. 171-208
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In recent years, a variety of efforts have been made in political science to enable, encourage, or require scholars to be more open and explicit about the bases of their empirical claims and, in turn, make those claims more readily evaluable by others. While qualitative scholars have long taken an interest in making their research open, reflexive, and systematic, the recent push for overarching transparency norms and requirements has provoked serious concern within qualitative research communities and raised fundamental questions about the meaning, value, costs, and intellectual relevance of transparency for qualitative inquiry. In this Perspectives Reflection, we crystallize the central findings of a three-year deliberative process-the Qualitative Transparency Deliberations (QTD)-involving hundreds of political scientists in a broad discussion of these issues. Following an overview of the process and the key insights that emerged, we present summaries of the QTD Working Groups' final reports. Drawing on a series of public, online conversations that unfolded at www.qualtd.net, the reports unpack transparency's promise, practicalities, risks, and limitations in relation to different qualitative methodologies, forms of evidence, and research contexts. Taken as a whole, these reports-the full versions of which can be found in the Supplementary Materials-offer practical guidance to scholars designing and implementing qualitative research, and to editors, reviewers, and funders seeking to develop criteria of evaluation that are appropriate-as understood by relevant research communities-to the forms of inquiry being assessed. We dedicate this Reflection to the memory of our coauthor and QTD working group leader Kendra Koivu.(1)
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| 12. |
- Kalm, Sara, et al.
(författare)
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Internationell migration
- 2021
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Ingår i: Internationella relationer. - 9789144139463 ; , s. 451-470
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Bokkapitel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 13. |
- Koliev, Faradj, et al.
(författare)
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Compliance without coercion : Effects of reporting on international labor rights
- 2021
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Ingår i: Journal of Peace Research. - : SAGE Publications. - 0022-3433 .- 1460-3578. ; 58:3, s. 494-509
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While a dominant position in research on compliance holds that enforcement is necessary for states to abide by their international commitments, many international organizations (IOs) do not have recourse to such coercive means. This article offers the first systematic analysis of one prominent alternative to material coercion: compliance reporting by IOs. It develops an argument for why reporting by IOs should lead states to correct non-compliant behavior, and when those effects should be particularly strong. It tests this argument in the context of the International Labour Organization (ILO), which offers a unique setting for evaluating the impact of reporting in the absence of coercion. The principal findings are threefold. First, reporting has significant and durable effects on state respect for labor rights. Second, reporting affects compliance both immediately and when repeated over longer periods of time. Third, reporting has stronger effects on improvements in labor rights when target states are democratic and resourceful, and have a stronger presence of labor NGOs. By contrast, it does not matter to reporting's effect whether states are highly economically dependent on the outside world or whether reporting is coupled with active shaming of non-compliant states. Taken together, our results suggest that existing research has not fully appreciated the potential of monitoring systems based on reporting to generate compliance with international rules. While hard enforcement may still be important, especially in areas where incentives to renege are strong, the findings of this article suggest that it is not the exclusive path to compliance.
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| 14. |
- Koliev, Faradj, et al.
(författare)
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Reporting Matters : Performance Indicators and Compliance in theInternational Labor Organization (ILO)
- 2020
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Ingår i: The Power of Global Performance Indicators. - : Cambridge University Press. - 9781108763493 ; , s. 203-241
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- While recent decades have witnessed a rise in the use and forms of Global Performance Indicators (GPIs), there is little systematic evidence on their effects. In this article, we address the effects of GPIs through a specific focus on international organizations’ (IOs) reporting on state compliance with international rules. We focus on the International Labour Organization (ILO), which offers a unique case for evaluating the impact of performance indicators in the absence of enforcement. We develop an argument for why reporting by IOs should lead states to correct non-compliant behavior, and when those effects should be particularly strong. Our principal findings are three-fold. First, ILO reporting has significant and durable effects on state respect for labor rights, especially in addressing severe cases of non-compliance. Second, reporting affects state behavior quite immediately, but can also lead to improvements when repeated over longer periods of time. Third, reporting has stronger effects on improvements in labor rights when the target states are democratic and have the resource capacity to correct violations. These findings have important implications for our understanding of GPIs and the effect of IO reporting on state compliance.
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| 15. |
- Koliev, Faradj, 1986-, et al.
(författare)
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The Domestic Impact of International Shaming : Evidence from Climate Change and Human Rights
- 2022
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Ingår i: Public Opinion Quarterly. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 0033-362X .- 1537-5331. ; 86:3, s. 748-761
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Do international shaming efforts affect citizens’ support for government policies? While it is a frequent claim in the literature that shaming works through domestic politics, we know little about how and when international criticism affects domestic public opinion. We address this question through an originally designed survey experiment in Sweden, which (i) compares the effects of international shaming in two issue areas—human rights and climate change, and (ii) tests whether government responses to criticism moderate the impact of shaming. Our main findings are fourfold. First, we find substantial effects of international shaming on domestic public opinion. These effects hold across both issue areas and irrespective of whether citizens support government parties or not. Second, human rights shaming has a stronger impact on citizens’ support for government policies than climate shaming. Third, shaming is most effective among citizens who are more supportive of climate action, human rights, and international cooperation. Finally, our findings are mixed with respect to the effect of government responses. While government responses do not moderate the effects of human rights shaming, they seem to mitigate the effects of climate shaming.
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| 16. |
- Lundgren, Magnus, 1976, et al.
(författare)
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Differentiated influence by supranational institutions: Evidence from the European Union
- 2023
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Ingår i: European Journal of Political Research. - 0304-4130 .- 1475-6765.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article develops a novel approach for studying the influence of supranational institutions in international cooperation. While earlier research tends to treat member states as a collective yielding influence on supranational institutions, we unpack this collective to explore differentiated supranational influence. To this end, the article makes three contributions. First, it develops a method for measuring differentiated supranational influence that makes it possible to identify which member states give ground when a supranational institution is influential. Second, it theorizes the sources of differentiated supranational influence, arguing that states are more likely to accommodate a supranational institution when they are more dependent on the resources of this institution. Third, it illustrates the usefulness of this approach empirically through an analysis of the influence of the European Commission in European Union bargaining. The analysis suggests that our approach can measure and explain differentiated supranational influence under conditions of both heightened crisis and everyday politics.
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| 17. |
- Lundgren, Magnus, 1976, et al.
(författare)
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Member State Influence in the Negotiations on the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument (NDICI)
- 2022
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- NDICI-Global Europe är Europeiska unionens ramverk för grannskapspolitik, utvecklingspolitik och internationellt samarbete. Ramverket antogs i juni 2021 efter tre år av intensiva förhandlingar mellan medlemsländerna i rådet och ett antal EU-institutioner. Det representerar en betydande översyn av EU:s utvecklingsarkitektur, och integrerar flera tidigare program i ett samlat instrument med en total budget på cirka 80 miljarder euro för perioden 2021–2027. Denna studie av förhandlingarna som ledde fram till NDICI-Global Europe erbjuder en unik möjlighet att få kunskap om den dynamik som formar inriktningen av EU:s utvecklingssamarbete. Rapporten belyser tre nyckelteman: • EU:s medlemsländers och institutioners ståndpunkter i de frågor som förhandlas samt de koalitioner som bildats mellan aktörer. • EU:s medlemsländers och institutioners framgång i förhandlingarna, övergripande och i specifika frågor. • Dekällortillinflytandesombidrogtillframgångiförhandlingarna. Rapporten är baserad på unika data om förhandlingsfrågor, ståndpunkter och resultat i NDICI-förhandlingarna. Genom samarbete med Utrikesdepartementet fick författarna tillgång till handlingar från samtliga 99 möten i rådets arbetsgrupp för NDICI, där förhandlingarna ägde rum. Utrikesdepartementets dokumentation ger en detaljerad sammanfattning av varje möte med information om vilka medlemsländer som fört fram vilka ståndpunkter i vilka frågor. Med hjälp av statistisk analys uppskattar vi därefter framgången för alla aktörer när det gäller att nå sina önskade resultat i de frågor som förhandlas. Samtidigt som rapporten täcker alla EU:s medlemsländer och nyckelinstitutioner, ägnar den särskild uppmärksamhet åt Sveriges roll i förhandlingarna.
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| 18. |
- Lundgren, Magnus, 1976, et al.
(författare)
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When are International Organizations Responsive to Policy Problems?
- 2023
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Ingår i: International Studies Quarterly. - 0020-8833 .- 1468-2478. ; 67:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy.
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| 19. |
- Sommerer, T., et al.
(författare)
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Decision-making in international organizations: institutional design and performance
- 2022
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Ingår i: Review of International Organizations. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1559-7431 .- 1559-744X. ; 17, s. 815-845
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.
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| 20. |
- Sundström, Karin, 1982-
(författare)
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Watchdogs or Lapdogs? : National Human Rights Institutions in Africa
- 2022
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- National human rights institutions (NHRIs) have important roles to play for the protection, promotion, and monitoring of human rights. These institutions are set up by governments that have a special role in upholding human rights but at the same time violate these rights. This book tells a story of the choices that governments have made when it comes to establishing and changing their NHRIs and how these choices affect the ability of the institutions to be effective and to fulfil their roles.The book argues that while previous research has emphasised the homogeneity of NHRIs, these institutions vary considerably in their type, design, and strength – and, at least partly as a consequence, in their capacity to hold actors to account for violations and transgressions. While some institutions have been designed to be little more than lapdogs, firmly controlled by the government, others have been designed, and proven to function, as true watchdogs, holding governments to account for their actions.Drawing on an ambitious mixed-methods research design, using quantitative methods to describe and explain the establishment and change of NHRIs and qualitative methods to trace how the design of NHRIs matters for their effectiveness, the dissertation makes three main contributions. First, theoretically, it presents a new conceptualisation on NHRIs, their design, and their strength. Second, it studies institutions that have rarely been studied and thereby makes an empirical contribution through both a descriptive and explanatory analysis using a new dataset on the design of 88 institutions in all African countries, from 1960 to 2014, and in-depth case studies on the NHRIs in Namibia and South Africa. Finally, the study presents a methodologically innovative approach to the research on NHRIs, especially in Africa, in its careful combination of quantitative techniques, used to describe and explain the variation within and among institutions, and qualitative techniques, used to trace how design matters for effectiveness.The dissertation presents three principal sets of findings. First, it finds that practically all countries have come to have an NHRI, with many having two (or even more) institutions. These institutions, however, have differed in terms of type, design, and, as a result, strength, even if institutions tend to be increasingly strong already when established. The analysis indicates that ties to other countries, whether in the shape of membership in international organisations (IO) or diffusion from other countries, may affect the establishment of NHRIs. Second, it finds that NHRIs are far from static as most see their design change, typically in ways that makes them more independent and more authoritative. Diffusion, official development assistance, and the respect for human rights are linked to regimes having stronger NHRIs, while IO membership see the opposite relationship. Such membership, however, is linked to a higher propensity to change institutions. Finally, the study finds that the variation in the design of institutions matters for their effectiveness, but that it often interacts with other factors, such as regime type. These findings have implications for both research and policy, for instance for the study of politicisation and backlash of both human rights in general and for NHRIs specifically.
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| 21. |
- Tallberg, Jonas, 1971-, et al.
(författare)
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AI regulation in the European Union: examining non-state actor preferences
- 2024
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Ingår i: Business and Politics. - 1369-5258 .- 1469-3569.
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- As the development and use of artificial intelligence (AI) continues to grow, policymakers are increasingly grappling with the question of how to regulate this technology. The most far-reaching international initiative is the European Union (EU) AI Act, which aims to establish the first comprehensive, binding framework for regulating AI. In this article, we offer the first systematic analysis of non-state actor preferences toward international regulation of AI, focusing on the case of the EU AI Act. Theoretically, we develop an argument about the regulatory preferences of business actors and other non-state actors under varying conditions of AI sector competitiveness. Empirically, we test these expectations using data from public consultations on European AI regulation. Our findings are threefold. First, all types of non-state actors express concerns about AI and support regulation in some form. Second, there are nonetheless significant differences across actor types, with business actors being less concerned about the downsides of AI and more in favor of lax regulation than other non-state actors. Third, these differences are more pronounced in countries with stronger commercial AI sectors. Our findings shed new light on non-state actor preferences toward AI regulation and point to challenges for policymakers balancing competing interests in society.
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| 22. |
- Tallberg, Jonas, 1971-
(författare)
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EU:s politiska system
- 2021. - 8
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Bok (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 23. |
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| 24. |
- Tallberg, Jonas, 1971-, et al.
(författare)
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The Global Governance of Artificial Intelligence : Next Steps for Empirical and Normative Research
- 2023
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Ingår i: International Studies Review. - 1521-9488 .- 1468-2486. ; 25:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Artificial intelligence (AI) represents a technological upheaval with the potential to change human society. Because of its transformative potential, AI is increasingly becoming subject to regulatory initiatives at the global level. Yet, so far, scholarship in political science and international relations has focused more on AI applications than on the emerging architecture of global AI regulation. The purpose of this article is to outline an agenda for research into the global governance of AI. The article distinguishes between two broad perspectives: an empirical approach, aimed at mapping and explaining global AI governance; and a normative approach, aimed at developing and applying standards for appropriate global AI governance. The two approaches offer questions, concepts, and theories that are helpful in gaining an understanding of the emerging global governance of AI. Conversely, exploring AI as a regulatory issue offers a critical opportunity to refine existing general approaches to the study of global governance.
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| 25. |
- Tallberg, Jonas, 1971-, et al.
(författare)
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The Legitimacy of International Institutions among Rising and Established Powers
- 2020
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Ingår i: Global Policy. - : Wiley. - 1758-5880 .- 1758-5899. ; 11:S3, s. 115-126
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The expectation that state voice drives perceptions of the legitimacy of international institutions is a common theme in academicscholarship and policy discourse on global power shifts. This article tests this expectation empirically, using novel andunique survey data on legitimacy perceptions toward eight international institutions among political and societal elites in sixcountries, comprising both rising and established powers. The article finds only limited support for a link between a state’svoice in an international institution and elite perceptions of legitimacy. Differences in formal state representation are onlypartly reflected in patterns of perceived legitimacy across the six countries. In addition, there is no evidence at the individuallevel that assessments of state voice shape elites’ perceptions of institutional legitimacy. Instead, considerations of good governancebest predict whether elites perceive of international institutions as more or less legitimate. These findings suggestthat only institutional reforms which are seen to favor general qualities of good governance, and not narrow demands forstate voice, are likely to be rewarded with greater legitimacy.
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| 26. |
- Tallberg, Jonas, et al.
(författare)
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Why International Organizations Commit to Liberal Norms
- 2020
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Ingår i: International Studies Quarterly. - : Oxford University Press (OUP). - 0020-8833 .- 1468-2478. ; 64:3, s. 626-640
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Recent decades have witnessed the emergence and spread of a broad range of liberal norms in global governance, among them sustainable development, gender equality, and human security. While existing scholarship tells us a lot about the trajectories of particular norms, we know much less about the broader patterns and sources of commitments to liberal norms by international organizations (IOs). This article offers the first comparative large-N analysis of such commitments, building on a unique dataset on IO policy decisions over the time period 1980–2015. Distinguishing between deep norm commitment and shallow norm recognition, the analysis produces several novel findings. We establish that IOs’ deeper commitments to liberal norms primarily are driven by internal conditions: democratic memberships and institutional designs more conducive to norm entrepreneurship. In contrast, legitimacy standards in the external environment of IOs, often invoked in existing research, mainly account for shallower recognition or “talk” of norms.
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| 27. |
- Tamas, Kristof, 1966-
(författare)
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Migration Statecraft : The European Migration and Development Regime
- 2022
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- For decades the European Union has cooperated with partner countries on the nexus between migration and development. The EU has thereby attempted to merge parts of migration policy and development policy into one framework. The logical inconsistency here appears to be that one policy in the nexus seeks to reduce migration while the other aims to promote it. This approach also constitutes a puzzle for opposing theories around the role of power versus ideas. In order to explain and understand this cooperation, the thesis explores its emergence and evolution during 1985-2020. The starting point is the assumption that the EU is influenced by domestic and global normative structures. Such normative structures may provide reasons for actor-centred statecraft. Diverging patterns of cooperation with partner countries emanate from it.The thesis applies the concept of an international regime to analyse whether cooperation rests on two incompatible core norms. Through a congruence analysis of alternative theoretical approaches, three modes of statecraft are identified. Power statecraft based on classical realism focuses on the national interest of upholding sovereignty and other domestic norms in migration control policy. These motivate the EU to use strategic action. It does so by putting pressure on third countries to reduce unwanted migration through development in accordance with a root causes norm. Ideational statecraft grounded in mainstream constructivism reveals that the EU has been socialised by the global idea that migration can bring more development through a development agent norm. Knowledge is a prominent factor in this regard. Leveraged (migration) statecraft inspired by realist constructivism is pursued so that both power and ideas are used in an amalgamated way by the EU.These findings are arrived at through a systematic analysis of narratives in Commission Communications, and by scrutinising a range of EU external dialogue processes and funding. There is a gap between narratives and practices. The regime norms are regularly subject to contestation. The EU is a norm-maker regarding migration policy and a norm-taker in development policy. It is engaged in strategic social construction through the externalisation of migration control, the mainstreaming of migration in development policy, and the conditionality of practices. The substantial empirical material in the thesis confirms the usefulness of its novel theoretical model for studying the relation between statecraft and normative structures in the quest for order and wealth. It shows how realist constructivism is relevant for both explaining and understanding EU external cooperation in this issue area.The implication is that the thesis adds to International Relations (IR) theory development by demonstrating how a synthetic theoretical approach brings added value to the study of strategic social construction. In addition, the thesis also affirms that actors and structures are co-constituted in the European migration and development regime. The EU interacts intersubjectively with third countries through a logic of the social. Mutual recognition is of key importance for international cooperation but is not always exercised by the EU. Migration statecraft has, nevertheless, made this inconsistent regime possible.
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| 28. |
- Uhlin, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Utvecklingsfrågor
- 2021. - 4
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Ingår i: Internationella relationer. - 9789144139463 ; , s. 357-376
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 29. |
- Verhaegen, Soetkin, et al.
(författare)
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Explaining elite perceptions of legitimacy in global governance
- 2021
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Ingår i: European Journal of International Relations. - : SAGE Publications. - 1354-0661 .- 1460-3713. ; 27:2, s. 622-650
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Elites are central in creating, operating, defending and contesting international organisations (IOs), but little research is available about their attitudes toward these bodies. To address this gap, this article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of elite perceptions of IO legitimacy. Building on a unique multi-country and multi-sector survey of 860 elites undertaken in 2017-19, we map and explain elite legitimacy beliefs toward three key IOs in different issue-areas: the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Integrating public opinion research and international relations theory, the article advances an explanation of elites' legitimacy beliefs that emphasises their satisfaction with the institutional qualities of IOs. We contrast this argument with three common alternative explanations, which respectively highlight utilitarian calculation, global orientation and domestic cues. The analyses show that elites' satisfaction with institutional qualities of IOs is most consistently related to legitimacy beliefs: when elites are more satisfied with democracy, effectiveness and fairness in IOs, they also regard these IOs as more legitimate. These findings suggest that the prevailing debate between utilitarian calculation, global orientation and domestic cues approaches neglects the importance of institutional satisfaction as an explanation of attitudes toward IOs.
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| 30. |
- Vikberg, Carl, 1991-
(författare)
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Non-State Participation in International Organizations : Patterns, Drivers, and Consequences
- 2023
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Over recent decades, one of the most prominent developments in global governance has been the expanded involvement of non-state actors (NSAs) in the policy-making bodies of international organizations (IOs). This trend is expected to have positive implications for democracy and effectiveness in global governance by improving participation, accountability, and representation, and by allowing IOs to draw on NSA resources to improve policy-making. Yet to date, we lack systematic knowledge about three factors with fundamental implications for the extent to which promises of democracy and effectiveness hold true. First, we know little about the patterns of NSA participation in IOs. Second, we know little about the drivers of NSA participation in IOs. Third, we know little about the consequences of NSA participation for IO policy-making. Across five independent papers, this dissertation offers the most comprehensive analysis to date of the patterns, drivers, and consequences of NSA participation in IOs. Empirically, the dissertation adopts a comparative approach and engages in extensive new data collection on NSA participation in IOs. Theoretically, the dissertation develops novel theoretical arguments and testable hypotheses about the drivers and effects of NSA participation in IOs. The dissertation generates three main findings. First, patterns of participation display considerable variation across issue areas, policy stages, and time. The typical population of NSA participants in an IO body is small, and mainly includes NSAs representing specific interests and NSAs from the global North. Yet the patterns across issue areas and policy stages suggest that existing research on NSA participation have focused on IOs, issue areas, and policy stages where participation is particularly high, and where participation patterns are comparatively less skewed. Second, access rules, governance problems, and issue salience are important drivers of participation patterns. Reforms expanding NSA access to IOs have positive effects on NSA participation, but different types of access reforms have markedly different effects. Specifically, a deepening of the level of access has a positive effect on NSA participation, whereas a broadening of the range of NSAs with access has a negative effect. Furthermore, the nature of the governance problems and the salience of the issues an IO body addresses are central drivers of what categories of NSAs participate in IOs. Whereas participation from specific interest NSAs is comparatively high in IO bodies addressing technical issues, participation from diffuse interest NSAs is comparatively high in IO bodies addressing publicly salient issues. Third, increased NSA participation generally has positive consequences for IO policy-making performance. However, the effect of increased participation is conditional both on the initial level of participation, and on the categories of NSAs that participate. Together, these findings have implications for scientific and policy debates on NSA participation in IOs, NSA access to IOs, and democracy and effectiveness in global governance.
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| 31. |
- von Bahr, Johanna, 1979-
(författare)
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International organizations and children’s rights : Norm adoption, pressure tactics and state compliance
- 2020
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Since the adoption of the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), the attention given by international organizations (IOs) to children’s rights has increased. This dissertation seeks to identify what this means for the global promotion of children’s rights, by addressing three interrelated questions: 1. Why do IOs adopt children’s rights norms?, 2. What tactics do IOs use to pressure for children’s rights and why?, and 3. What explains state compliance with children’s rights? These questions are studied across four self-contained essays, combining qualitative and quantitative methods, and with a particular focus on the European Union (EU). The first essay provides a within-case analysis of the mainstreaming of children’s rights across EU external policy sectors. The second essay explores the content and pressure tactics of the EU external strategies for children’s rights. The third essay offers a comparative case study of UNICEF and EU pressure tactics towards the autocratic state Vietnam. The fourth essay examines the impact of international and national factors on state compliance with children’s rights. The main findings of this dissertation are four-fold. First, several global regimes affect which children’s rights norms IOs prioritize. Second, EU external policy has increasingly adopted children’s rights but not mainstreamed the issue. Third, EU institutions provide material support to international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in exchange for children’s rights policy advice. Fourth, state compliance with the right of the child to physical integrity is influenced by international factors (membership in a regional human rights court, development aid) and national factors (women's political participation, legal and religious contexts) but not regime type. Combined, this dissertation has two important research implications. First, it shows that institutionalist theory explains variations in IO adoption of and pressure tactics for children’s rights. Second, established explanations regarding IO pressure in the area of human rights, and regime effects on state compliance with human rights, do not hold for the case of children’s rights. With regard to policy, the main implication of this dissertation is that more pressure for child empowerment rights is needed at international and national level.
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