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| 2. |
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| 4. |
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Core values and the expeditionary mindset : armed forces in metamorphosis
- 2011. - 1
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (refereegranskat)abstract
- There is quite some consensus that today’s international security environment has substantially changed following the end of the Cold War in 1989/90 and that this requires the transformation of modern armed forces from conventional ones to something else. This ‘something else’ may indeed be an expeditionary military. The military metamorphosis that is needed seems to be nothing less than a substantial overhaul of the armed forces in various dimensions. One obvious dimension is organizational structure. The second dimension is technology and especially armament technology where weapons and equipment need to be adapted to present-day conflict and combat challenges including a shift in focus of procurement policies. The third dimension rests with the assumption that the given, current security political landscape necessitates a change not only in the military’s organizational format and technological posture, but also in mindset. Changing the conventional military mindset towards one that is focused on expeditionary operations calls into question how such a transformation will influence the core values of the military. The fourth and final dimension is educating and training the soldiers because expeditionary operations call for additional skills and expertise compared to those required for a Cold War military mission.The contributions to this book focus on the mindset and the core values of an expeditionary military and take different avenues to approach these themes. At times, they also reach out into the other dimensions. The book is divided into two parts. The first part covers concepts and conceptual approaches, while the second part contains contributions that basically carry case-study character. The contributors belong to a wide range of academic disciplines, which allows for different avenues and perspectives on our topic, thus enriching our knowledge of the problems involved. The book is of great interest and relevance to academia, military practitioners and political decision-makers.
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| 5. |
- Towns, Ann E., 1970-
(författare)
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Norms and social hierarchies : Understanding international policy diffusion "from below"
- 2012
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Ingår i: International Organization. - 0020-8183 .- 1531-5088. ; 66:2, s. 179-209
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article aims to rethink the operation of norms in international policy diffusion. Norms do not simply standardize state behaviors, as is conventionally argued; norms also draw on and set up hierarchical social orders among states. Through a conceptual rethinking we gain a better understanding of where-among which states-new policies may first emerge: social hierarchies create incentives for new policies to develop at the margins of international society so that policies may diffuse "from below." We also get a better grasp of how policy advocates frame the appropriateness or benefits of a new state practice: they must frame policy demands in terms of the international standing and rank of the targeted state. This article's empirical aspiration is to use these insights to help account for the international policy diffusion of legal sex quotas, a policy to increase the level of female legislators that developed first among "developing" states rather than among the so-called core of international society. By pointing to the link between norms and social hierarchy, the article helps account for policy diffusion "from below." © 2012 The IO Foundation.
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| 6. |
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Internationella relationer : könskritiska perspektiv
- 2013
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Internationella relationer är en introduktion till genusanalytiska frågeställningar och tolkningar av den internationella ordningen. Boken belyser vikten av könskritiska perspektiv på internationella relationer och ger exempel på skilda sätt att förstå och förklara den internationella ordningens betydelser för människors liv i olika delar av världen. Här ställs frågor om hur globalisering och konflikter samspelar med föreställningar om manligt och kvinnligt. Författarna analyserar och diskuterar könskodade maktstrukturer och ojämlik resursfördelning - både lokalt och globalt. Med utgångspunkt i IR-fältets klassiska temaindelningar lyfter artiklarna fram nya perspektiv och problem, vilket vidgar och fördjupar förståelsen av fältet, såväl vetenskapligt som politiskt. Internationella relationer - könskritiska perspektiv vänder sig till studenter i internationella relationer och angränsande ämnen, men också till andra som är intresserade av könskritiska tolkningar av hur den internationella ordningen fungerar.
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| 7. |
- Bossong, Raphael, et al.
(författare)
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European internal security as a public good
- 2013
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Ingår i: European Security. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0966-2839 .- 1746-1545. ; 22:2, s. 129-147
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This introduction argues for a new research agenda on European internal security cooperation from the perspective of public goods. We set out our case in three parts. First, we identify new empirical puzzles and demonstrate significant explanatory gaps in the existing internal security literature which public goods theory could help address. Second, we outline the building blocks of a public goods approach and provide an overview of its application, both existing and potentially, in various areas of regional security and European integration. Third, we present three complementary ways of using public goods theory to analyse internal security in the European Union, with the aim of spurring new research questions while accepting some limitations of this theoretical approach.
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| 8. |
- Jonsson, Stefan, 1961-, et al.
(författare)
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A Statue to Nasser? : Eurafrica, the Colonial Roots of European Integration, and the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize
- 2013
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Ingår i: Mediterranean Quarterly. - Durham & London : Duke University Press. - 1047-4552 .- 1527-1935. ; 24:4, s. 5-18
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In response to a widespread idea of the European Union as a “peace project,” an idea disseminated especially after the EU received the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize, this essay retrieves some of the historical causes of the foundation of the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. The essay emphasizes specific geopolitical and colonial incentives that had lain behind the European integration project ever since the pan-European blueprints the interwar period and which became critical with the Suez crisis and decolonization movements of the 1950s. As the essay demonstrates, practically all of the visions, movements, and concrete institutional arrangements working toward European integration during this period placed Africa’s incorporation into the European enterprise as a central objective. As much of the scholarly, political, and journalistic accounts at the time testify, European integration was inextricably bound up with a Eurafrican project. According to the intellectual, political, and institutional discourse on Eurafrica, a future European community presupposed the transformation of the strictly national colonial projects into a joint European colonization of Africa. Strong evidence suggests that these ideas were instrumental in the actual diplomatic and political constitution of the EEC, or of Europe as a political subject, in 1957. The essay discusses why the EU’s colonial origins have been consigned to oblivion in mainstream research and why this history is of continued concern to the world.
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| 9. |
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| 10. |
- Pemunta, Ngambouk Vitalis, 1973-, et al.
(författare)
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Toward a reconceptualization of the “urban” and “rural” as conceptual and analytical categories in the social sciences
- 2012
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Ingår i: Arts and Social Sciences Journal. - : Aston Journals. - 2151-6200. ; 3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Globalization implies a general shift in spatio-temporal relations and the simultaneous deterritorialization of cultural phenomena orchestrated by the multiple global flows of people, ideas, and fashions. Within the context of globalization, it is troublesome for social scientists to continue using the “urban–rural” dichotomy as distinctive analytical and methodological categories because it tends to suggest a contingency in the pattern and character of social phenomena. This article sets out to theoretically rethink this conceptualization because of the multi-stranded and culturally embedded nature of human behavior in both space and time which has led to difficulties in delineating rigid subject boundaries today unlike in the past. Drawing on empirical data from diverse social phenomena, but particularly from the urban procurement and consumption of medicinal plant recipes, “dualistic” religious inclination and urban agriculture, we demonstrate that the geographic, spatio-temporal conceptualization of distinctive urban and rural phenomena are problematic. We suggest the notions of “urban-ruralism” and “rural-urbanism” as theoretical and methodological reconceptualizations to capture multiple embedded processes and to show that there exists a type of behavioral continuum/consistency because individuals have adopted hyphenated identities.
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| 11. |
- Berndtsson, Joakim, 1975, et al.
(författare)
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Sweden: public servants from the private sector
- 2013
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Ingår i: Commercialising security in Europe : political consequences for peace and reconciliation operations / edited by Anna Leander.. - London : Routledge. - 9780415509893 ; , s. 58-79
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 12. |
- Jonsson, Stefan, 1961-
(författare)
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The Wisdom of Crowds
- 2014
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Ingår i: TANK Magazine. - London : Tank Publications Ltd. - 1464-3472. ; 8:1, s. 62-65
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Stefan Jonsson reminds us that without the uprisings of the 'swinish multitude' there would be no such thing as democracy.
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| 13. |
- Daigle, Megan, 1984
(författare)
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Love, Sex, Money and Meaning: Using Language to Create Identities and Challenge Categories in Cuba
- 2013
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Ingår i: Alternatives: Global, Local, Political. - : SAGE Publications. - 0304-3754 .- 2163-3150. ; 28:1, s. 63-77
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union and subsequent collapse of Cuba’s centralized economy, pursuing relationships with foreign visitors to the island has emerged as a viable means of accessing hard currency, consumer goods, travel, and emigration—of gaining admittance to a perceived better life. In the mid of escalating state repression, a discursive struggle has materialized, assigning meanings to new sexual identities, problematizing these sexual relations, and creating new objects of disciplinary power. Far from simple semantics, defining and naming allows actors within the field of relations—government, police, journalists, mass organizations, individuals—to situate young Cubans within various binaries including good/bad, right/wrong, virtue/vice. Specific labels ranging from crass (puta or prostituta) to enigmatic (candelero or luchadora) have ebbed and flowed in popular parlance, each loaded with different raced and gendered implications and political commitments. As state governance of bodies and sexualities evolves, this ethnographic study demonstrates that many young Cubans have begun to use bodily and sexual practices as tools to circumvent poverty, resist state dictates on morality and austerity, and create new subjectivities. Language, for its part, has become a major weapon, alternately disciplinary and liberatory, in the struggle for (self-)definition.
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| 14. |
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| 15. |
- Delputte, Sarah, et al.
(författare)
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European Aid Coordination in Africa: Is the Commission Calling the Tune?
- 2012
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Ingår i: Stefan Gänzle, Davina Makhan & Sven Grimm (eds.), The European Union and Global Development: An ‘Enlightened Superpower’ in the Making?. - Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9780230319677 ; , s. 37-56
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although there is much rhetoric about that the EU is the world’s biggest aid player, its role as an “actor” in the field of development is ambiguous and sometimes even counterproductive. While, on the one hand, the EU plays a instrumental role in the international policy discussion in multilateral fora and on global development policy (e.g. Paris Agenda on Aid Effectiveness, Millennium Development Goals, poverty reduction programmes, budget support etc.), on the other hand, the EU often fails to act as one ‘on the ground’ in the developing countries. In fact, in contrast to its official policy the EU is not a unified actor or a functioning aid coordination mechanism, at least when focus is placed on development cooperation in Africa. In practice the European Commission often acts as “the 28th” member state, conducting its own aid policies, rather than serving as the hub for donor coordination within the EU as a whole. The much talked about European Consensus on Development Policy is, as one donor official in an EU member state put it, “ice thin.” Although a functionalist perspective underpins much of the policy debate and official proclamations of how EU policy should look, it does not, however, explain the general lack of European donor coordination occurring on the ground, where it is really needed. This chapter shows that the EU’s largely ineffective coordination strategies in Africa have not been primarily driven by a concern to increase aid effectiveness according to a functional logic, but are instead driven by two alternative explanations, namely ‘identity’ and ‘bureaucratic politics’. When policies are driven by identity and bureaucratic politics rather than by functional objectives, the opportunities for compromise and for reaching common ground are reduced.
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| 16. |
- Erman, Eva
(författare)
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Ethics & Global Politics
- 2014
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Ingår i: Peace Review. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1040-2659 .- 1469-9982. ; 26:4, s. 479-481
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 17. |
- Ewald, Jonas, 1959-
(författare)
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Challenges for the democratisation process in Tanzania. Moving towards consolidation years after independence?
- 2013
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- Tanzania has been independent in 2011 for 50 years. While most neighbouring states have gone through violent conflicts, Tanzania has managed to implement extensive reforms without armed political conflicts, Hence, Tanzania is an interesting case for Peace and Development research. This dissertation analyses the political development in Tanzania since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1992, with a focus on the challenges for the democratisation process in connection with the 2000 and 2005 elections. The question of to what extent Tanzania had moved towards a consolidation of democracy, is analysed by looking at nine different institutions of importance for democratisation grouped in four spheres: the state, the political, civil and economic society. Focus is on the development of the political society, and the role of the opposition in particular. The analysis is based on secondary and primary material collected between September 2000 to April 2010. The main conclusion is that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed, in practice single-party rule has continued, manifested in the 2005 election when the CCM won 92% of seats. Despite impressive economic growth, poverty remains deep and has not been substantially reduced. On a theoretical level this brings the old debate between liberal and substantive democracy back to the fore. Neither the economic nor the political reforms have brought about a transformation of the political and economic system resulting in the poor majority gaining substantially more political influence and improved economic conditions. Hence, it is argued that the interface between the economic, political and administrative reforms has not been sufficiently considered in the liberal democratic tradition. Liberal democracy is necessary for a democratic development, but not sufficient for democracy to be consolidated. For that a substantive democratic development is necessary.About the author:Jonas Ewald is lecturer and researcher in Peace and Development Studies. His main research areas are democratisation and its linkages to development, conflicts, and post-conflict management, with a focus on East Africa/Great Lakes Region—and Tanzania and Rwanda in particular.
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| 18. |
- Hansen, Peo, 1966-, et al.
(författare)
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Another Colonialism : Africa in the History of European Integration
- 2014
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Ingår i: Journal of Historical Sociology. - : John Wiley & Sons. - 0952-1909 .- 1467-6443. ; 27:3, s. 442-461
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Today’s European Union was founded in a 1950s marked by its memberstates’ involvement in numerous colonial conflicts and with the colonial questionfirmly entrenched on the European and international agenda. This notwithstanding,there is hardly any scholarly investigations to date that have examined colonialism’sbearing on the historical project and process of European integration. In tacklingthis puzzle, the present article proceeds in two steps. First, it corroborates the claimthat European integration not only is related to the history of colonialism but to nolittle extent determined by it. Second, it introduces a set of factors that explain whythe relation between the EU and colonialism has been systematically neglected. Herethe article seeks to identify the operations of a colonial epistemology that hasfacilitated a misrecognition of what postwar European integration was about. As thearticle argues, this epistemology has enabled colonialism’s historical relation to theEuropean integration project to remain undetected and has thus also reproducedwithin the present EU precisely those colonial or neo-colonial preconceptions thatthe European partner states, in official discourse and policy, falsely claim that theyhave abandoned.
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| 19. |
- Hansen, Peo, 1966-, et al.
(författare)
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Bringing Africa as a 'Dowry to Europe' : European Integration and the Eurafrican Project, 1920–1960
- 2011
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Ingår i: Interventions. - New York and London : Routledge. - 1369-801X .- 1469-929X. ; 13:3, s. 443-463
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article examines the history of the ‘Eurafrican project’ as it evolved from the Pan-European movement in the 1920s to its institutionalization in the European Economic Community (EEC) (i.e. today’s EU) in the late 1950s. As shown in the article practically all of the visions, movements and concrete institutional arrangements working towards European integration during this period placed Africa’s incorporation into the European enterprise as a central objective. As so much of the scholarly, political and journalistic accounts at the time testify to, European integration was inextricably bound up with a Eurafrican project. According to the intellectual, political and institutional discourse on Eurafrica – or the fate of Europe’s colonial enterprise – a future European community presupposed the transformation of the strictly national colonial projects into a joint European colonization of Africa. Indeed, there is strong evidence to support that these ideas were instrumental in the actual, diplomatic and political constitution of the EEC, or of Europe as a political subject. The article discusses the conspicuous absence of these matters from scholarship on European integration and its historical origins and trajectory. It also notes that it is equally neglected in postcolonial studies, which should be able to provide the theoretical and historical tools to engage with the complex and instructive issues with which the Eurafrican project and its intimate links to the history of European integration confront today’s scholars.
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
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| 22. |
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| 23. |
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| 24. |
- Rånge, Max, 1975-, et al.
(författare)
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“Civilizations” and Political-Institutional Paths : A Sequence Analysis of the MaxRange2 Data Set, 1789 – 2013
- 2014
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In what sequences have nations changed institutionally in history and does that order matter for later democratization? If so, are there historical-institutional pathways of “civilizations”? These previously neglected research problems are addressed in this paper on the basis of a new, unique, and enormous data set tracking all political institutions and systems in the world monthly since 1789. The aim is both empirical and theoretical: to take steps toward an understanding of the sequential aspects of political-institutional evolution. Results visualize sequences at regime level that show few signs of path dependency. They also show that democracy may emerge in all types of regimes, though at varying paces. Separating religious-majority nations, Muslim systems are less affected by democracy diffusion than other religious-majority nations. Muslim political systems also exhibit larger regime type unpredictability. Taken together with estimates of GDP per capita, majority religions explain a minor share of discrepancies between regime types: wealth of nations is more important than majority religion on a general, regime type diversity level. However, specifications of institutional details will have to be made in future research in this new area of historical political-institutional study.
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| 25. |
- Sills, Erin, et al.
(författare)
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Executive Summary
- 2014
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Ingår i: Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR). - 9786021504550 ; , s. 536-
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- As one of the leading near-term options for global climate change mitigation,REDD+ has been piloted in over 300 subnational initiatives across the tropics.This book describes 23 of those initiatives in six countries: Brazil, Peru, Cameroon,Tanzania, Indonesia and Vietnam. These initiatives were selected in large part because they had defined their specific intervention areas but not yet offered conditional incentives to reduce forest carbon emissions when CIFOR collected baseline data in 2010. By 2014, they had implemented a broad range of actionsboth to develop enabling conditions and to reduce forest emissions. Thus, it is now timely to report on their experiences and assess early lessons about REDD+,including finance, tenure, scale, MRV and safeguards.
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| 26. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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Formal and Informal Regionalism
- 2012
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Ingår i: Timothy M. Shaw, Andrew Grant and Scarliett Cornelissen (eds) Ashgate Research Companion to Regionalisms. - Aldershot : Ashgate. ; , s. 51-68
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 27. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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Konflikthantering i Afrika
- 2012
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Ingår i: Karin Aggestam & Kristine Höglund (eds.), Om krig och fred. - Lund : Studentlitteratur. - 9789144075587 ; , s. 197-211
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Några av de våldsammaste konflikterna i världen under de senaste decennierna återfinns i afrikanska länder såsom Angola, Burundi, Kongo-Kinshasa, Liberia, Moçambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tchad, och Uganda. Under det kalla kriget kunde de flesta konflikterna i Afrika inte isoleras från tidigare kolonialmakter eller från den bipolära världsordningens logik och supermakternas intressen. Efter kalla krigets slut har ett delvis nytt mönster uppstått där konflikter trappas upp och sprids till grannländer utan att kolonialmakter, supermakter eller det internationella samfundet intervenerar. Även om de flesta konflikterna i Afrika anses vara inomstatliga, påverkar den regionala spridningen möjligheterna till att skapa fred. Den allt större betoningen på afrikanska och regionala organisationer för konflikthantering återspeglas främst i visionen om ”afrikanska lösningar på afrikanska problem” och i den framväxande afrikanska freds- och säkerhetsarkitekturen. Detta kapitel beskriver drivkrafterna bakom och omfattning och resultat av afrikansk och regional konflikthantering. Kapitlet belyser även relationen till andra konflikthanteringsmekanismer, speciellt inom FN-systemet.
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| 28. |
- Söderbaum, Fredrik, 1968
(författare)
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The European Union as an actor in Africa: internal coherence and external legitimacy
- 2013
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Ingår i: Maurizio Carbone (ed) The European Union in Africa. Incoherent policies, asymmetrical partnership, declining relevance?. - Manchester : Manchester University Press. - 9780719083464 ; , s. 25-42
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The overarching question addressed in this paper is to what extent and under what circumstances the EU should be seen as an “actor” in its relations with Africa, with a particular focus on trade, aid and peace policies. The paper shows that whereas the EU often speaks with one voice, for instance in trade, it is more ambiguous and pluralistic in other policy areas, such as aid and security/peace, where decision-making is either “shared”, or is based on national and intergovernmental policies. Sometimes there is even little in the way of articulated EU policy, and the EU member states pursue their own national policies outside of the EU framework. What explains this pattern? Much like other global actors, including the most powerful EU member states, the EU’s actions in Africa are characterized by the pursuit of power and the manifestation of various regional and national identities and interests. The nation-state logic is still active. Going beyond the EU’s official rhetoric (which invariably contain an often misleading egalitarian flavor), the EU is strongly concerned with establishing itself as a global actor and with gaining political power (for various purposes). It is nevertheless clear that the EU deals with the external world — including Africa — in a different manner from that of an ordinary great power driven by geopolitical interests. This is because the civilian or ‘normative’ power employed in the EU’s own region-building is also being projected in its external relations as the preferred world order model.
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| 29. |
- Wrangel, Claes, 1980
(författare)
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Hope in a time of catastrophe? Resilience and the future in bare life
- 2014
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Ingår i: Resilience: International Policies, Practices and Discourses. - : Informa UK Limited. - 2169-3293 .- 2169-3307. ; 2:3
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The framework of resilience has been claimed to strip bodies of both hope and the promise of the future, reducing life to mere biology, concerned only with its survivability. This article interrogates such claims by critical theory, analysing the definitions of life and time embedded in them. Reading the figure of human nature as it appears in US President Obama's call for a common humanity – united by hope in a world of insurmountable insecurity – this article asks what promises structure liberal subjectivity when security and universalism are seemingly abandoned. Through the lens of Agambian biopolitics, I argue that resilient life is produced not in opposition to hope, but as its embodiment, turning indefinite insecurity into a continuous experience of hope, and hence into a structure of promise. As such, I submit that the hopeful life today has become the barest of all, engendered by the production of a paradoxical temporal indistinction between an open future and the inevitability of catastrophe.
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| 30. |
- Sjöstedt, Martin, 1977
(författare)
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Horizontal and vertical resource dilemmas in natural resource management: the case of African fisheries
- 2013
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Ingår i: Fish and Fisheries. - : Wiley. - 1467-2960 .- 1467-2979. ; 14:4, s. 616-624
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Abstract The world’s fisheries are under severe pressure. Yet, according to the marine trophic index, the health and stability of marine ecosystems vary greatly across countries. The argument developed and tested in this article holds that some of the sources of this variation can potentially be derived from differences in the character of two fundamental relationships in society – a horizontal one between resource users and a vertical relationship between the government and the resource users. The empirical analysis focuses on sub-Saharan Africa and finds that levels of ethnic and linguistic heterogeneity and levels of democracy in the year that each country declared its exclusive economic zone have a close relationship with ensuing marine exploitation patterns.
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
- Lane, Linda, 1950, et al.
(författare)
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Fanon Revisited: Race, Gender and Coloniality vis-a-vis skin color
- 2012
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Ingår i: The Melanin Millenium. - Dordrecht Netherlands : Springer. - 9789400746084 ; , s. 169-181
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Under colonialism, the mirror of the black-white binary has been shattered by white colonials consorting with black and indigenous women. By privileging lighter-skinned mixed-race groups, colonialists established a hierarchy that linked skin colour to economic and social class. Therefore, we argue that to understand the texts of Frantz Fanon and Mayotte Capécia requires analytical tools that resist seeing the world in black or white. Our reading of Fanon seeks to broaden the scope of analysis of these texts by looking at them as works standing at the crossroads where issues of race, colour, gender, class, and power converge. Blaming women absolves men from the painful reality that they are also partners in this construction. As two black women, we have been fascinated by the depth of Fanon’s understanding of the mechanisms and ideology of colonial oppression. However, the way Fanon deals with the desire of the black man to be whitened by his association to a white woman is very different from a reverse situation between a black woman and a white man. Both seek their redemption by the association to whiteness—lightness.
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| 33. |
- Norlin, Måns
(författare)
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Communicating visions for urban development : a micro-study of a governance process
- 2014
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Licentiatavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis studies the topic of policy making in the context of producing a comprehensive plan. The thesis uses the case of a municipality in Sweden. Contributing to the understanding of how governance processes can be performed, this thesis studies policy making in a collaborative situation. A form of micro-study is used to scrutinize in detail the dialogues between participants. The thesis applies Membership Categorization Analysis and Conversation Analysis to uncover the participants' accomplishments. The approaches reveal a variety of ways the participants perform planning, how visions and strategies are implemented in practice and how participants can reach agreement on planning issues. The study provides planning research with further understanding of the situatedness and epistemology of policy making, and it brings to light the variety of ways participants in policy making can enter and inform discussions, thereby enhancing the level of democracy in governance processes.
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| 34. |
- Bachmann, Jan, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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Between Protection and Stabilization? Addressing the Tensions of Contemporary Western Interventions in Africa: An Introduction
- 2012
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Ingår i: African Security. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1939-2206 .- 1939-2214. ; 5:3-4, s. 129-141
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This special issue sets out to analyze—from different epistemological perspectives and based on different case studies—tensions that have arisen in a number of recent security interventions in sub-Saharan Africa. The character of international peace and security missions in the Global South has changed significantly after the end of the Cold War. On the one hand, we witness a greater willingness to engage in order to terminate or prevent violent conflict. This willingness is grounded in a broader understanding of security in which the protection of the population is prioritized over the claim to security of a sovereign state. A state’s sovereignty is increasingly interpreted as entailing a responsibility to protect the citizenry. On the other hand, a broadened international will to intervene in conflicts in the Global South raises a number of controversial questions regarding when and how and on whose behalf to intervene. What should be the projected end state of such liberal interventions? What does a responsibility to protect entail, conceptually and in practice? Who are the principal actors in complex and ambitious missions aimed at creating stability, peace, or (human) security? When should a stabilization mission end? What are the consequences when (short-term) security or humanitarian interests and (long-term) state-building or development interest are all legitimized through a discourse of protecting vulnerable populations? And, perhaps most importantly, what stakes do the actors directly affected by the conflict and the international response have? These are some of the questions the contributors address and analyze in this special issue.
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| 35. |
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| 36. |
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| 37. |
- Ekengren, Ann-Marie, 1971, et al.
(författare)
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Svensk politik för global utveckling
- 2012
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Ingår i: Fronesis. - 1404-2614. ; :Nr 38-39, s. 17-44
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 38. |
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| 39. |
- Götz, Norbert
(författare)
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Deliberative Diplomacy : The Nordic Approach to Global Governance and Societal Representation at the United Nations
- 2011
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Bok (refereegranskat)abstract
- The ascendency of executive power in the presence of weak parliamentary and societal control has given rise to a need for deliberative forms of diplomacy in international relations. As Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden regularly include members of parliament, party representatives, and representatives of civil society in their delegations to the General Assembly of the United Nations, does this imply that a Nordic model exists? This book reviews the practice of these countries and finds that the role of societal representatives has diminished from participating members of delegations to mere observers. The Nordic examples illuminate the difficulties of achieving international governance through the practice of deliberative democracy.
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| 40. |
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
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| 43. |
- Hansen, Peo, 1966-
(författare)
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"Fruktplockare utan rättigheter"
- 2014
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Ingår i: Le Monde Diplomatique. - 1503-5557. ; :11, s. 21-23
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 44. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-
(författare)
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Climate Change Mitigation and Political Legitimacy in Post-Conflict Settings
- 2014
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Climate change and climate variability exacerbate the human costs of war. Most research has focused on the negative societal consequences of climate change, and more recently also the negative impact of climate change mitigation and adaptation. The possible positive impacts of climate change adaptation and mitigation has left a lacuna in research on the social impacts of climate change. In this study I investigate the link between climate change mitigation and building peace: Does climate change mitigation – in this case micro hydropower systems in Nepal – contribute to building peace – measured as the perceived legitimacy of the post-conflict order? Energy supply through micro hydropower systems is crucial for climate mitigation and has become a crucial area for peacebuilding. After 2006, Nepal achieved successful micro hydropower development following a decade long civil war. Two individual cases within Nepal were selected to assess the effects of micro hydropower systems on peacebuilding. The findings are based on newly collected empirical data. National expert, local elite and household interviews were conducted in 2013 in Nepal. The data indicates that there is no direct effect (neither positive nor negative) of climate mitigation on peacebuilding. However, the successful implementation of the micro hydropower project in the two cases in Nepal has actually produced other spaces of legitimate authority and as such constitutes an internal hybrid peace in Nepal in the absence of functioning nation state.
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| 45. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-
(författare)
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Climate Change Mitigation, Peacebuilding, and Resilience
- 2014
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Ingår i: Carnegie Ethics Online. - New York : Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- How are our efforts to reduce the impact of climate change affecting post-conflict societies? Thinking and research about the possible impacts of climate change adaptation and mitigation on post-conflict societies is almost nonexistent. Most attention remains on climate change and variability and their link to war.1 In this article I discuss the link between climate change mitigation and building peace. Drawing on new empirical data of micro hydropower development in post-conflict Nepal I inquire further if climate change mitigation contributes to peacebuilding.The findings show that micro-hydropower development in Nepal has not contributed to peacebuilding on a state level. This is because these measures do not strengthen the political legitimacy of the post-conflict authorities, a crucial measure for successful peacebuilding. Actually, in the short run this measure of climate change mitigation has led to new informal spaces of peace beyond the reach of the Nepali state. This puts policy decision makers into a dilemma: Should they consider abandoning climate change mitigation policies if they might in fact risk the peacebuilding process? Or is it worth the bigger cause of reducing CO2 emissions globally? As this article shows, the answer might be more nuanced.
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| 46. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-, et al.
(författare)
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Global Environmental Governance during Peacebuilding - The Case of Kosovo
- 2014
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Kosovo’s energy development could be much further if resources would have been used more efficient and if global environmental governance regimes would have been applied earlier. This paper tries to explain why focus on renewable resources and with that a more sustainable approach to Kosovo’s development was not promoted through peacebuilding actors. We contextualize the question of global environmental governance during peacebuilding by focusing on the challenges to global norms and procedures of environmental protection in Kosovo’s energy policies. Previous research on Kosovo found that external peacebuilding actors favoured short-sighted solutions and focused on imminent security and economic development. A comprehensive, long-term strategy to address environmental factors through diversification of energy sources and utilizing of renewable energy potentials was missing. However, a 2012 assessment found that Kosovo a focus on security and economic development would not be contradicted by the promotion of renewable energy policies in peacebuilding strategies for Kosovo. We show that Kosovo environmental governance in terms of global norms and procedures of environmental protection was unsuccessful during Kosovo’s international-governance/liberal peace administration embodied in the UNMIK. However, following Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008 we find that new policies of environmental governance emerge and manifest itself in the strategy that includes renewable resources. Thus, we argue that change in security priorities within Kosovo in the post-independence period created space for influences not only by international private and political actors dealing with energy issues but also for local private actors and civil society lobbying Kosovo government for strategies more in line with GEG and relying more on renewable energy sources.
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| 47. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-
(författare)
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Nepal’s Micro-Hydropower Projects Have Surprising Effect on Peace Process
- 2014
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Ingår i: New Security Beats. - Washington DC : the Wilson Center’s Environmental Change and Security Program.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s fifth assessment, which has been rolling out in stages since last September, confirms a crucial divide in current climate thinking: efforts to adapt and mitigate to climate change are often considered separately from the vulnerability of people.Climate change impacts, adaptation, and vulnerability were covered by IPCC Working Group II, while Working Group III handled mitigation. Each group developed and released their reports separately. Why is this significant? Because in conflict and post-conflict societies, climate mitigation efforts can have significant impacts on existing tensions, sometimes even making them worse. It is therefore vitally important that policymakers understand these two sets of issues together and researchers build a better understanding of how they interact.
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| 48. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-
(författare)
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The Environment and Peace - Environmental Policies in Peace Processes and their contribution to Building Peace
- 2013
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Does peacebuilding in the environmental sector influence perceptions of popular legitimacy of post-conflict authorities? Guided by this question this research plan addresses a gap in the literature on peacebuilding and environmental studies. Only limited research has been conducted on the link between the environment and peacebuilding. Generally, scholars and practitioners assume addressing environmental issues during peacebuilding processes contributes to the success of peace (Conca & Dabelko, 2002; Conca & Wallace, 2009; Ejigu, 2006; Kostić, Krampe, & Swain, 2012; Machlis & Hanson, 2008; Matthew, Barnett, & McDonald, 2009a; Matthew, Brown, & Jensen, 2009b; A. Swain & Krampe, 2011). Yet, findings in the peacebuilding literature show that externally driven peacebuilding often leads to a lack of popular legitimacy of governing authorities and the creation of new substructures of legitimacy, a development that has been termed hybrid or post-liberal peace (Kappler, 2012; Kostić, 2007; MacGinty, 2010; Richmond, 2011).These adverse effects of peacebuilding have been identified and studied in many sectors, but are they similarly present in the environmental sector? Or do environmental peacebuilding activities contribute in fact to more popular legitimacy? This study contributes knowledge and understanding about peacebuilding in the environmental sector and its influence on local perceptions of legitimacy. The focus is specifically on projects of renewable energy production that utilize manageable natural resources (i.e. water and biomass). If and how these project influence popular legitimacy will be assessed through within and cross case comparisons of four case studies in the peacebuilding process of Nepal through data based on fieldwork.
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| 49. |
- Krampe, Florian, 1980-
(författare)
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Water, Cooperation and Peacebuilding : Exploring (Internal) Transboundary Water Governance In Kosovo After 1999
- 2014
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Ingår i: ISA Annual Convention “Global IR and Regional Worlds - A New Agenda for International Studies” February 18th-21st, 2015, New Orleans, Louisiana..
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Konferensbidrag (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Following the Yugoslavian secessionist wars of 1992, the number of transboundary river basins doubled in the region. Kosovo, in particular, poses an intriguing challenge to water governance in the post-war Balkans. In this paper I investigate how the international community governed Kosovo’s water resources after the UN assumed trusteeship of Kosovo in 1999. In particular, this study focuses on Ibar basin, i.e. particularly the Gazivoda reservoir, located on the border of Serbia and northern Kosovo, and also the Iber-Lepenc Canal, which brings water from the Serb-dominated areas in the North to the Albanian-dominated central Kosovo. A dynamic puzzle arises around the governance of water resources in Kosovo’s “no war, no peace” situation. The challenge of water governance exists not only between contested national boundaries, but also between ethnic divisions within Kosovo. Did the handling of water issues through UNMIK contribute to peacebuilding in Kosovo’s sensitive and complex post-conflict context? The study reveals that while there are instances of interstate cooperation appearing, the water issue is much more complicated when considering the internal ethnic divisions on the local level.
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| 50. |
- Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy, et al.
(författare)
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Governance Beyond the Global: Who Controls the Extraterrestrial?
- 2013
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Ingår i: Globalizations. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1474-7731 .- 1474-774X. ; 10:2, s. 277-292
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How is outer space governed? This article argues that private authority is gaining salience in space politics, even with respect to the traditionally state-centric security and military aspects of space. Further, while commercial actors have always played a role in space programs, three significant changes can be detected: transnational conglomerates and consortia as opposed to individual corporations are emerging as key partners in space politics; private partners are gaining stronger and wider responsibilities for the development and management of space programs (including manned spaceflights); and public accountability is increasingly at stake due to a widening of security in space policy. The latter development includes a blurring of key distinctions between military and civilian usage (also referred to as dual-use or dual-role application), as well as between the public and private realms.
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