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AIDS i Sverige : Hivepidemin och rörelserna
- 2019. - 1
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Det första fallet av aids i Sverige diagnostiserades år 1982. Hiv var då ett okänt virus, och aids ett tecken på en snar död. Hiv spreds till en början i redan utsatta grupper som homosexuella män, intravenösa missbrukare, prostituerade och blödarsjuka.En vanlig reaktion på sjukdomen var rädsla och stigmatisering, inte minst från mediernas sida. Men det bildades också grupper och organisationer som sökte stödja de drabbade, motverka fördomar och arbeta för adekvata behandlingar. Här var bland andra Noaks ark, Venhälsan, Kvinnocirkeln och RFHP (Riksförbundet för hivpositiva) sedermera Hiv-Sverige. Hur arbetade dessa organisationer och vad ville de uppnå? Samtidshistoriska institutet vid Södertörns högskola samlade några av aktivisterna till ett vittneseminarium på temat ”Hivepidemin och rörelserna”.
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Almedalen : Så skapades en politikens marknadsplats - Ett vittnesseminarium om Almedalsveckan som politisk arena
- 2013. - 1
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Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Historien om Almedalsveckan började 1968 när Olof Palme klev upp på ett lastbilsflak och höll ett första tal. Almedalsveckan har sedan dess blivit en av de viktigaste politiska mötesplatserna i Sverige. Här samlas tiotusentals deltagare, många centrala beslutsfattare och ledande företrädare för näringsliv och medier. Här anordnas ett par tusen möten, seminarier och andra arrangemang.Men vilka har drivkrafterna bakom den explosionsartade utveckling som skett de senaste decennierna varit? För att få svar på den frågan bjöd Samtidshistoriska institutet vid Södertörns högskola in några centrala aktörer till ett vittnesseminarium. Det här blev svaren från Maria Leissner, Klas Eklund, Janerik Larsson, Lena Mellin och Mona Sahlin som deltog i seminariet som hölls i Almedalen 2012.
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- Andersson, Jenny, et al.
(författare)
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The Swedish Social Democrats, Reform Socialism and the state after the Golden Era
- 2020
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Ingår i: European Socialists and the State in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries. - Cham : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783030415396 - 9783030415402 ; , s. 323-343
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The Swedish Social Democratic welfare state system that peaked during the 1970s was based on a common belief in the existence of strong and potent state with strong tendencies toward a de-commodification. However, with the Palme government in 1982, Social democrats accepted the idea that the welfare state should be reoriented around a prevailing notion of individualization, and be a vehicle in particular for a middle-class strategy of social mobility tightly entangled with consumer preference. In subsequent decades, a complex and multi-motivational process of privatization was carried out as a de facto alliance between Left and Right. In the 2000s, the Party has abandoned control of the welfare state as part of its reformist strategy or “power resource”.
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- Hosseini, Vahid, 1987-, et al.
(författare)
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Ferrite content measurement in super duplex stainless steel welds
- 2019
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Ingår i: Welding in the World. - : Springer Verlag. - 0043-2288 .- 1878-6669. ; 63:2, s. 551-563
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Approaches to determining ferrite fraction (%) and ferrite number (FN) were examined for super duplex stainless steel (SDSS) welds. A reference sample was produced by bead-on-plate gas–tungsten arc welding of a type-2507 SDSS plate. By comparing different etchants and measurement practices, it was realized that etching with modified Beraha followed by computerized image analysis (IA) was the most accurate and quickest technique to measure ferrite fraction, which determined the same ferrite fraction (68.0 ± 2.6%) as that measured by electron diffraction backscattered analysis (67.6 ± 2.3%). A Round Robin test was performed on a reference sample at University West, Swerea KIMAB, Outokumpu Stainless, and Sandvik Materials Technology to investigate the repeatability of the technique. The ferrite fraction measurements performed at different laboratories showed very small variations, which were in the range of those seen when changing microscope in the same laboratory. After verification of the technique, the relationship between ferrite fraction and ferrite number (measured with FERITSCOPE®) was determined using 14 single (root) pass welds, including butt, corner, and T-, V-, and double V-joint geometries. The best-fit equation found in this study was ferrite number (FN) = 1.1 × ferrite fraction (%). To conclude, the ferrite fraction technique suggested in the present paper was accurate and repeatable, which made it possible to determine a ferrite fraction–ferrite number formula for SDSS single-pass welds.
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- Ivarsson Westerberg, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Det långa 1990-talet
- 2014. - 1
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Ingår i: Det långa 1990-talet. - Umeå : Boréa Bokförlag. - 9789189140882 ; , s. 11-33
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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- Ivarsson Westerberg, Anders, et al.
(författare)
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Vad var det som hände?
- 2014. - 1
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Ingår i: Det långa 1990-talet. - Umeå : Boréa Bokförlag. - 9789189140882 ; , s. 441-457
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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- Karlsson, Klas-Göran, et al.
(författare)
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Public Uses of History in Contemporary Europe
- 2007
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Ingår i: History on Trial. Europe since 1989 and the Role of the Expert Historian. - 9780719074172 ; , s. 27-45
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The article analyses various uses of history in contemporary Europe, starting from a Swedish perspective
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- Lidestad, Madelene, 1972-
(författare)
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Uppbåd, uppgifter, undantag : Om genusarbetsdelning i Sverige under första världskriget
- 2005
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation examines how the paradoxical process takes place whereby women are both integrated and segregated within male-dominated sites of social action, here in the Swedish labor market, national economy and military during the First World War. The potential of the First World War to change the societal gender distribution of labor in Sweden is limited by the fact that Sweden was not a belligerent state, and that the mobilization of men thus was limited. It is in social planning activity, and in the general state of preparedness for war and crisis, that this study has sought to analyze contemporaneous understandings of womens’ "tasks" in times of war and crisis.Earlier research has shown that women can be integrated in several different ways which can reproduce the gender order. This order can be re-created either in that women and men gain access to different "arenas" on different conditions, or in that women and men gain access to the same arena on different conditions (to mens’ advantage). From a gender-theoretical perspective, re-segregative integration is analyzed both at the level of conceptions and of practices. The study consists of three studies, regarding the domains of the labor market, the national economy (or economizing activity), and the military. The concept of the (social) task is used to capture those activities which voluntary organizations, the state, and/or womens’ organizations offered or enjoined/assigned to women in times of war and crisis.Women were offered tasks in e.g. the military medical service and in war veterinary care services, within so-called "time expense economizing" activities organized for the economy’s household sector, and with sewing articles of uniform clothing for older reserve troops (the landstormen). In addition, plans were laid up (although never carried out in practice) whereby women in wartime could be called upon to fill the "gaps" in the labor market left by men mobilized into the armed forces.In the domain of the labor market, womens’ integration was envisioned as taking place within an "extraordinary arena" on other conditions than those applying to men. Womens’ tasks were related to mens’ peacetime tasks, then being called "replacement work"; in relation to mens’ military service, placed into a context of "civil preparedness". In the domain of the national economy (or economizing activity), within the state National Economizing Commission, women were also integrated into a “special arena” on other conditions than those applying to men. Women were recruited into "womens’ administrations", or as the "only woman" to otherwise completely male-dominated administrations, and their tasks were limited to dealing with "the private households". In the domain of the military, women were still integrated into a "special arena" auxiliary to a male regular arena. Tasks were constituted as voluntary, were offered by voluntary organizations, and were focused on the provision of care services.In all these societal domains, a qualitative difference was created between what men did and what women did, or were envisioned to do. Womens’ tasks were constituted as feminized tasks. The tasks were however designed in a way which both challenged and confirmed more traditional conceptions of the "male defender", the "male provider", and the "masculine state and public sphere". One can reason here in terms of the gender order’s having been maintained, despite integration. In theory or in practice, this was done by tasks being recontextualized, whereby the existing order was maintained. By placing womens’ tasks into another context, order was secured, enabling the claim that "nothing has really happened". This could be expressed by saying that, when the gender order is threatened, a type of "assisting logic" intervened which placed threatening phenomena into a new context: the consequence of this was that tasks which women did, or were to do, became diminished.
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| 20. |
- Rönnbäck, Josefin
(författare)
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Politikens genusgränser : Den kvinnliga rösträttsrörelsen och kampen för kvinnors politiska medborgarskap, 1902-1921
- 2004
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis analyses Landsföreningen för kvinnans politiska rösträtt (‘The National Association for Women’s Franchise’, LKPR) and its struggle for women’s political rights in Sweden. The suffragists’ struggle is used as a “case study” for the purpose of uncovering the gender boundaries of politics, that is, what was possible in practice and what was considered suitable for men and women to do in politics in the early 20th century. The resistance and the various obstacles raised against women show that there were gender boundaries in politics that LKPR challenged and crossed by organizing women and making demands.With the aid of theory and empiricism the thesis problemises seemingly gender-neutral concepts such as ‘democracy’ and ‘citizenship’ and shows that they have been permeated by conceptions of gender. The thesis has been influenced by for example the democracy researcher Birte Siim and has studied the franchise association’s attitude to citizenship as status, practice and identity. Throughout the thesis, LKPR’s attitude to the male power order in society is discussed.The thesis describes how LKPR developed and how the association worked and argued in favour of women’s political rights. Even though there were many things that united the suffragists, there were also important differences of opinion. The issue of franchise brought the question of people’s right to influence and self-determination to a head, and the discussion showed that there were different opinions about how politics should be conducted and what politics should be about. The suffragists were for example not agreed on whether the association should work for political rights for everybody or only for some people. They also had different opinions about whether women should organise themselves separately or whether they should go in for joint organisation and cooperation with men. Not least did they have different opinions about what should be LKPR’s position as a party politically neutral women’s organisation vis-à-vis the male party system. LKPR’s orientation towards party politics both strengthened and weakened women as a group. Going in for adult education was however a strategy that most of them could support.The thesis also elucidates LKPR’s argumentation in favour of civil rights and shows that it was marked by three overarching ideologies, namely liberalism, maternalism and nationalism. These –isms were partly interwoven and show that LKPR wanted not only to change the form of politics, that is, the rules for how politics was exercised and by whom, but also the content of politics. LKPR also wanted the boundaries of politics to be moved so that more questions would become government issues.Citizenship was a key concept that in practice meant different things for women and men and the gender of politics varied depending on the context. The arena of municipal politics was first opened to women, and municipal politics was considered “more feminine” – while the county councils and the Swedish parliament were reserved for men and were considered “male” concerns. For a long time party politics was also regarded as a male domain, but this changed during the struggle for franchise. The fact that social policies were regarded as “feminine” was utilised by the suffragists to advance their positions.The thesis shows that franchise and eligibility were embedded in somewhat different gender and class structures. Not least did the issue of eligibility show that there were different opinions about who should devote themselves to politics and who could represent whom. Changes in gender politics also took place during the process of democratisation, and my study shows that the gender boundaries were not rigid. By acting on the level of municipal politics, taking part in election proceedings, and becoming members of party political organisations, the suffragists advanced the issue of women’s franchise and contributed to women obtaining political rights on the same conditions as men in 1919/21.
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