| 1. |
- Adolfo, Eldridge Vigil, et al.
(författare)
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Electoral Violence in Africa
- 2012
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In the time period 2012–2013, over 20 national elections and two constitutional referendums are scheduled in Africa. In several of these elections, violence is anticipated to play a prominent role. There is great urgency to support the establishment of effective and legitimate electoral institutions and electoral frameworks; institute reforms aimed at lowering the stakes of elections; encourage the devolution of powers; improve the socio-economic standing of the populace; and devise strategies to prevent and manage electoral violence.
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| 2. |
- Bjarnesen, Jesper, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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Conclusion : Beyond Democracy and Big Man Politics
- 2018
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Ingår i: Violence in African elections. - London ; Uppsala : Zed Books ; Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. - 9781786992284 - 9781786992314 ; , s. 250-262
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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| 3. |
- Bjarnesen, Jesper, et al.
(författare)
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Violence in African elections
- 2018
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- The benefits of winning elections, and the disadvantages of losing them, must be reduced to avoid the violence that a winner-takes-all situation can trigger. Election observers should pay more attention to subtle forms of violence, intra-party tensions and incumbents playing the security card to justify increased use of force. This policy note considers how to curb the increase of violence in African elections.
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| 4. |
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| 5. |
- Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Beyond the Absence of War : The Diversity of Peace in Post-Settlement Societies
- 2010
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Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - 0260-2105 .- 1469-9044. ; 36:2, s. 367-390
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article introduces a novel way of conceptualising variations of peace in post-war societies. The most common way of defining peace in the academic literature on war termination is to differentiate between those cases where there is a continuation or resumption of large-scale violence and those cases where violence has been terminated and peace, defined by the absence of war, has been established. Yet, a closer look at a number of countries where a peace agreement has been signed and peace is considered to prevail reveals a much more diverse picture. Beyond the absence of war, there are striking differences in terms of the character of peace that has followed. This article revisits the classical debates on peace and the notion of the Conflict Triangle as a useful theoretical construction for the study of armed conflicts. We develop a classification captured in a Peace Triangle, where post-settlement societies are categorised on the basis of three key dimensions: issues, behaviour, and attitudes. On the basis of such a differentiation, we illustrate the great diversity of peace beyond the absence of war in a number of post-settlement societies. Finally, we discuss the relationship between the different elements of the Peace Triangle, and the challenges they pose for establishing a sustainable peace, as well as the implications of this study for policy makers concerned with peacebuilding efforts.
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| 6. |
- Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Beyond the absence of war : The diversity of peace in post-settlement societies
- 2010
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Ingår i: Review of International Studies. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0260-2105 .- 1469-9044. ; 36:2, s. 367-390
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article introduces a novel way of conceptualising variations of peace in post-war societies. The most common way of defining peace in the academic literature on war termination is to differentiate between those cases where there is a continuation or resumption of large-scale violence and those cases where violence has been terminated and peace, defined by the absence of war, has been established. Yet, a closer look at a number of countries where a peace agreement has been signed and peace is considered to prevail reveals a much more diverse picture. Beyond the absence of war, there are striking differences in terms of the character of peace that has followed. This article revisits the classical debates on peace and the notion of the Conflict Triangle as a useful theoretical construction for the study of armed conflicts. We develop a classification captured in a Peace Triangle, where post-settlement societies are categorised on the basis of three key dimensions: issues, behaviour, and attitudes. On the basis of such a differentiation, we illustrate the great diversity of peace beyond the absence of war in a number of post-settlement societies. Finally, we discuss the relationship between the different elements of the Peace Triangle, and the challenges they pose for establishing a sustainable peace, as well as the implications of this study for policy makers concerned with peacebuilding efforts.
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| 7. |
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| 8. |
- Höglund, Kristine, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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The Predicament of Elections in War-Torn Societies
- 2009
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Ingår i: Democratization. - London : Frank Cass Publishers. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 16:3, s. 530-557
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Why do elections held in the shadow of civil wars sometimes generate more violence in already war-torn societies, while in other circumstances they do not? This article develops a conceptual framework based on three clusters of factors to analyse the conflict-generating aspects of elections in war-torn societies: the key actors in the electoral processes; the institutions of elections; and the stakes of the elections. Two types of war-related elections are distinguished: elections held during an ongoing civil war, and elections held in the post-war period when peace is to be implemented. While different in many respects, the two contexts share critical characteristics through their association with the legacy of warfare. Several important implications emerge from the analysis. First, relating to militant and violent actors, incentive structures need to be altered by addressing both the opportunities and means of violence. Second, to prevent inducements for violent behaviour, institutional arrangements - including electoral commissions have to be crafted with consideration given to local conflict dynamics and the history of violent conflict. Finally, the stakes of elections in war-shattered societies can be reduced through, for instance, constitutional pact-making and the oversight of external actors in electoral processes.
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| 9. |
- Jarstad, Anna, et al.
(författare)
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Peace agreements in the 1990s : what are the outcomes 20 years later?
- 2015
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In the 1990s, a number of protracted armed conflicts were finally ended. This period can be described as a paradigmatic shift with regards to how armed conflicts are brought to an end. When the logic of the Cold War no longer hindered the United Nations (UN) to intervene, the number of UN peace operations rose dramatically and became more comprehensive. In addition, conflicts increasingly ended through negotiated settlements rather than military victory. The peace processes of the 1990s gave rise to great optimism that negotiations and peacebuilding efforts, often with considerable international involvement, would bring sustainable peace to war-affected countries. The outcomes of these peace processes, however, appears to be far from unanimously positive. Today, 20 years after the war endings of the 1990s, it is therefore imperative to critically analyze and evaluate these peace processes and their long-term results. What is the situation like today in countries where conflicts ended in the 1990s? What has become of the peace? In this paper, the long-term outcomes of peace processes that took place in the 1990s are evaluated through brief analyses of a number of cases,demonstrating that the nature and quality of peace today show great diversity. The paper also includes a conceptualization of the "peace triangle" aimed at distinguishing between different forms of peace, as well as a study of the relationship between peacebuilding and democracy in UN peace operations in the 1990s, concluding that outcomes with regards to democratic development in the intervened countries are generally poor.
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| 10. |
- Karlborg, Lisa, 1984-
(författare)
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Enforcing Legitimacy : Perspectives on the Relationship between Intervening Armed Forces and the Local Population in Afghanistan
- 2015
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Bolstering local perceptions of legitimacy in armed intervention has emerged as an important feature of increasingly complex international peace and statebuilding efforts. Yet, previous research has only begun to explore what local legitimacy entails to those involved in, and affected by, armed intervention. This dissertation advances an understanding of local legitimacy as a perception-based, relational phenomenon. Through this lens, it examines armed intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014). In particular, this dissertation studies how the relationship between Afghan citizens and intervening armed forces interacts with, and shapes, perspectives on local legitimacy held by the main 'interveners' and those 'intervened upon'. This dissertation consists of an introduction, which situates the study in a wider context, and four essays. Beginning with the organizational perspectives of the main intervening actors in Afghanistan, Essay I finds that the UN and NATO initially conceptualized problems of local legitimacy as principally the consequence of a fragile Afghan state, and not as failings of the intervention. When negative dimensions of intervention became increasingly recognized, principal responsibility for the legitimacy process shifted away from intervening authorities and onto the Afghan state. Similarly, Essay II shows how key U.S. military doctrine, over time, reconceptualized the formal duty of intervening forces in the local legitimacy process, ultimately considering it contingent on, and subordinate to, the will and capabilities of host-state authorities and the local population. Turning thereafter to firsthand accounts from the field, Essay III and Essay IV together contrast personal perspectives on the intervention held by U.S. Army Officers and Afghan citizens. Essay III finds that personal experiences of noncombat contact with Afghans reinforced the Officers' sense of duty toward the local population. Conversely, Essay IV suggests that the local legitimacy of intervening forces became increasingly contested among Afghans, due largely to the perceived intensification of foreign intrusion on 'everyday' life. Taken together, the findings of this dissertation lay the foundation for the development of a new concept, the host-citizen contract. In so doing, it provides a social contract framework to better understand the complex dynamics of local legitimacy in Afghanistan, and beyond.
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| 11. |
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| 12. |
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| 13. |
- Kovacs, Mimmi Söderberg, et al.
(författare)
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Rebel-to-party transformations in civil war peace processes 1975-2011
- 2016
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Ingår i: Democratization. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1351-0347 .- 1743-890X. ; 23:6, s. 990-1008
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Previous research has established the critical relevance of better understanding the conditions that either facilitate or obstruct rebel-to-party transformations for the sake of strengthening the prospects for both peace and democracy in post-war societies. In this study, we contribute to this growing research agenda in two ways. We first present and analyse data collected by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) on all peace agreements that contain specific rebel-to-party provisions during the time period 1975-2011. Second, we introduce new data on rebel-to-party outcomes during the same time period. The descriptive findings confirm several of our theoretical expectations. Rebel-to-party provisions are exclusive to the post-Cold War era, and are commonly included in peace agreements with third-party presence. Somewhat surprisingly, we have seen almost twice as many agreements with such provisions in Africa compared to other regions, and only in peace agreements in governmental conflicts. However, we find several cases of rebel-to-party outcomes in territorial conflicts. Our data also confirm that rebel-to-party provisions are neither necessary nor sufficient for rebel-to-party outcomes, and highlight the potential relevance of other political provisions also supporting the group's political integration.
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| 14. |
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| 15. |
- Muvumba Sellström, Angela, 1973-
(författare)
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Stronger than Justice : Armed Group Impunity for Sexual Violence
- 2015
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- What conditions lead to confidence among civil war combatants that they will not face accountability for perpetrating sexual violence? This study investigates the causes of impunity for sexual violence among armed actors. It develops a theoretical framework which identifies three explanations for armed group impunity for sexual violence, namely (1) flawed prohibitions inside an armed group; (2) negligent enforcement by its authorities; and (3) pardons in the form of amnesties during the peace process. Adopting a two-pronged approach, the study first explores the associations between amnesties arising from concluding peace agreements and post-settlement levels of sexual violence in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and South Africa. A small-scale, events-based dataset of sexual violence by governments and rebel groups in the first three years after war was constructed. The second and main part of the study is a comparison between two rebel groups in Burundi’s civil war (1994-2008), CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and Palipehutu-FNL (Palipehutu-Forces for National Liberation) and their practices of prohibition and punishment of wartime sexual violence, taking into account also the possible influence of amnesties. Based on original data from 19 focus groups of ex-combatants from these rebel organisations, it is found that flawed prohibitions and negligent authorities are the main explanations for armed group impunity. The findings do not support amnesties as a cause of armed group impunity for sexual violence. Moreover, additional findings suggest that accountability for sexual violence is triggered by dependency on civilian support, while impunity is facilitated by an armed group’s ability to secure recruits, material and other resources without the help of local communities.
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| 16. |
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| 17. |
- Nilsson, Desirée, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Dealing with Divergence : Intra-party Dynamics and Spoiler Management in Civil Wars
- 2023
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Ingår i: Journal of Global Security Studies. - : Oxford University Press. - 2057-3170 .- 2057-3189. ; 8:2
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Civil war peace processes are frequently accompanied by spoiler behavior relating to intra-party divergence, such as leadership struggles or breakaway groups, which risk undermining the implementation of a peace accord. However, previous literature has not sufficiently explored how third-party actors can address spoiler behavior linked to such intra-party aspects. This study addresses this gap by providing an empirical analysis of a few illustrative cases of spoiler behavior by armed actors in two peace processes in West Africa—Sierra Leone after the 1999 Lomé peace accords and Liberia after the 2003 Accra peace agreement. We find that in contexts where there is a vertical divergence between the leader and the rest of the group, divisive strategies—aimed to divide and rule or marginalize—are effective. In contrast, in situations of horizontal divergence between different factions that are more equal in power, integrative strategies—aimed at unifying the ranks or reconciling a divided leadership—are more appropriate. This study enhances our understanding of how third-party strategies can be devised to manage intra-party divisions that otherwise may threaten a transition from war to peace.
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| 18. |
- Nilsson, Desirée, et al.
(författare)
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Different Paths of Reconstruction : Military Reform in Post-War Sierra Leone and Liberia
- 2013
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Ingår i: International Peacekeeping. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1353-3312 .- 1743-906X. ; 20:1, s. 2-16
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Security Sector Reform (SSR) has developed into a key component of international peacebuilding agendas. However, there is a lack of sufficient knowledge of the advantages and drawbacks of different reform processes. This study offers a comparative analysis of two post-war states with diverse approaches to the reconstruction of the national armed forces after a civil war: Sierra Leone after the 1999 Lome Peace Accord, where the competing warring parties were integrated into a single force; and Liberia following the 2003 Accra Peace Agreement, where the old army was disbanded and a new force was recruited and built from scratch. The findings show that each approach was associated with distinct benefits and risks during the implementation process. However, the outcomes are also similar in many important respects, and raise questions about the long-term sustainability of these reforms.
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| 19. |
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| 20. |
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| 21. |
- Nilsson, Desirée, et al.
(författare)
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Revisiting an Elusive Concept : A Review of the Debate on Spoilers in Peace Processes
- 2011
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Ingår i: International Studies Review. - : Wiley-Blackwell. - 1521-9488 .- 1468-2486. ; 13:4, s. 606-626
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- In a seminal article, Stedman (International Security, 22, 1997, 5) suggested that the greatest source of risk to civil war peace processes comes from so-called spoilers, leaders, and groups that perceive peace as threatening and use violence to undermine attempts to achieve it. The spoiler concept has since gained significant ground and widespread legitimacy both in the academic literature and in critical policy circles. In the footsteps of this development, however, we suggest that the spoiler concept has been stretched beyond its original meaning and given raise to a number of ambiguities concerning its definition and empirical applicability. This lack of clarity in regard to some of the key aspects of the spoiler concept does not only risk undermining the usefulness of the concept itself, but also risks hampering the accumulation of valuable research on this pertinent topic. This article presents a reflection on a burgeoning research field and aims to contribute to the same by attempting to offer greater conceptual clarity in regard to a number of issues that are the core of the spoiler debate and by presenting a conceptual framework for analyzing spoilers in future research.
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| 22. |
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| 23. |
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| 24. |
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| 25. |
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| 26. |
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| 27. |
- Sjöstedt, Roxanna, et al.
(författare)
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Demagogues of Hate or Shepherds of Peace? : Examining the Threat Construction Processes of Warlord Democrats in Sierra Leone and Liberia
- 2019
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Ingår i: Journal of International Relations and Development. - : Springer Science and Business Media LLC. - 1408-6980 .- 1581-1980. ; 22:3, s. 560-583
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How are threat images framed and constructed by the so-called warlord democrats (WDs)? Societies that have suffered from large-scale civil wars are commonly permeated by inter-group fear and hate. In these contexts, former military or political leaders of armed groups sometimes become involved in post-war politics. These WDs can act as reconciliation spoilers by making securitising moves, i.e. they construct threat images that are potentially very costly for fragile post-conflict democratisation processes. It is therefore crucial to explore WDs’ speech acts. Yet, the literature on post-war politics has largely overlooked these individual aspects. This article argues that the central components of securitisation theory can be useful in understanding this phenomenon if adjusted to the contextual circumstances of post-war societies. By analysing speech acts by seven WDs in post-war Liberia and Sierra Leone, two forms of framing strategies stand out as particularly relevant. First, WDs’ securitising moves are often framed as veiled threats of violence, as it is often deemed too risky for these individuals outside formal power positions to overtly express threats in a generally de-securitised setting. Second, when WDs construct threats, they often chose to frame themselves or their constituencies or followers as the referent object of security.
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| 28. |
- Sjöstedt, Roxanna, et al.
(författare)
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Socializing Warlord Democrats: Analyzing Violent Discursive Practices in Post-Civil War Politics
- 2024
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Ingår i: International Studies Review. - 1521-9488. ; 26:1
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Across the world, so-called warlord democrats (WDs) – former military or political leaders of armed groups who subsequently enter formal electoral politics – strongly influence the dynamics and trajectory of post-civil war politics. However, scholarship on war-to-peace transitions and post-conflict politics have often failed to pay attention to the agency of these important actors. This article rectifies this oversight, and thereby adds to the overarching scholarly debate on what enhances or hampers democratic processes after violent conflict. It makes two main contributions. First, by putting an explicit focus on the individual level of analysis and on the agency of WDs, the article opens up an avenue of research that previously has been black-boxed. Second, it demonstrates that the assumptions of socialization theory are particular suitable for enhancing our understanding of variations in the agency of WDs and their impact on post-conflict electoral politics. A novel analytical framework that refines the concept guides the empirical examination of the socialization processes of two WDs over time: Julius Maada Bio, the ex-junta leader who became President of Sierra Leone and Prince Johnson, the ex-warlord in Liberia who became Senator and presidential candidate. The findings suggest that the socialization theory holds promise as a new perspective on the study of WDs, but the theory may also need additional conceptual development and adjustment when applied outside its traditional empirical context and at the individual levels of analysis. Specifically, we find that the democratic socialization of our selected WDs display the characteristics of hybrid socialization, where conflicting normative frameworks result in lopsided socialization processes. But more research is needed on how to empirically distinguish between cost-benefit calculations and a logic of appropriateness, the long-term implications of hybrid socialization, and how to theoretically reconcile individual level socialization processes with that of states or groups.
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| 29. |
- Sundqvist, Anett (Annette), 1968-, et al.
(författare)
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Qualitative and quantitative aspects of child-directed parental talk and the relation to 2-year-olds developing vocabulary
- 2022
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Ingår i: Infancy. - : Wiley. - 1525-0008 .- 1532-7078. ; 27:4, s. 682-699
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Although prior research has independently linked vocabulary development with toddlers media usage, parental mental state talk (MST), and parent-child conversational turn-taking (CTT), these variables have not been investigated within the same study. In this study, we focus on associations between these variables and 2-year-olds (N = 87) vocabulary. Child vocabulary and digital media use were measured through online questionnaires. We took a multimethod approach to measure parents child-directed talk. First, we used a home sound environment recording (Language ENvironment Analysis technology) to estimate parents talk (CTT). Second, parents narrated a picture book, the Frog story, to assess the parents MST. There was a negative association between how much children watched video content and their vocabulary. However, parents reported that they frequently co-viewed and engaged with the child and media. The negative association first displayed between the amount of video content viewed and the childs developing vocabulary was fully mediated by the parents qualitative and quantitative talk as measured by MST and CCT, respectively. We propose that the parent relative level of MST and CTT also occurs when parents engage with the child during media use.
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| 30. |
- Svensson, Isak, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Brain Train : En handbok för gröna och kreativa arbetsresor
- 2024
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Bok (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Denna praktiska handbok är en resurs för dig som är intresserad av att organisera och genomföra moderna, klimatanpassade arbetsrelaterade resor och möten. Vi presenterar här en ny metod för att skapa bästa möjliga förutsättningar för djuparbete på tåg, särskilt anpassat för långa distanser. Vi visar hur tågresan kan organiseras så att den fungerar som gemensam arbetstid och en unik och värdefull arbetsplats. Vi kallar det Brain Train.
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| 31. |
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| 32. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-
(författare)
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A Matter of Faith? : Negotiations with Boko Haram in Nigeria
- 2020
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Ingår i: International Negotiation. - : Brill. - 1382-340X .- 1571-8069. ; 25:3, s. 435-462
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Why are armed conflicts involving warring parties with an Islamist agenda more difficult to resolve through negotiations? In previous research, two main explanations have been put forward; one that highlight the religious element of the parties’ conflict issue and one that emphasis the organizational character of these conflicts, in particular their transnational nature. Yet we still do not know which of these explanations that carry the most explanatory power. The purpose of this article is to test the empirical relevance of these theories through an in-depth study of five negotiation attempts between the government of Nigeria and the group known as Boko Haram during the time period 2011 to 2016. By doing so, this article both addresses one of the key theoretical debates in the scholarly field of religious conflicts and conflict resolution, and presents novel empirical material on a case not well covered in previous negotiation literature.
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| 33. |
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| 34. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Autonomous Peace? : The Bangsamoro Region in the Philippines Beyond the 2014 Agreement
- 2021
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Ingår i: Journal of Peacebuilding and Development. - : Sage Publications. - 1542-3166 .- 2165-7440. ; 16:1, s. 55-69
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- What kind of peace has emerged in the Bangsamoro region in the Philippines after the 2014 peace agreement? And how does it matter for the prospects of sustainable peace and development? The peace deal between the government of Philippines and the armed group Moro Islamic Liberation Front builds on the establishment of a new autonomous region. The new autonomy has the potential to end a prolonged cycle of armed rebellions. But if it fails to deliver the expected peace dividends, it could also lead to escalating violence. This article uses the Peace Triangle as a conceptual tool to analyse the current status of peace in Bangsamoro. As such, it advances a theoretical understanding of peace that focuses on how autonomy solutions impact on conflict issues, violent behaviour, and conflict attitudes and aid an assessment of the longer term prospects of peace in the wake of autonomy.
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| 35. |
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| 36. |
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| 37. |
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| 38. |
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| 39. |
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| 40. |
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| 41. |
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| 42. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-
(författare)
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From Rebellion to Politics : The Transformation of Rebel Groups to Political Parties in Civil War Peace Processes
- 2007
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Why do some rebel groups in civil war peace processes transform into viable political parties while others do not? The transformation of armed rebels into peaceful politicians has been identified as one of the most critical factors in explaining the successful transition from violence to sustainable peace. Yet few studies have examined under what conditions these transformations are more or less likely to be carried out. This study addresses this research problem. It focuses specifically on rebel groups that emerge as opposition parties in post-war politics. Drawing on insights provided by previous research, the study develops a novel and integrated theoretical framework which identifies the relevant causal processes of rebel-to-party transformations and links them to a set of explanatory variables in a levels-of-analysis framework. A comparative study is conducted of four rebel organisations that have experienced diverse outcomes in this respect: the FMLN in El Salvador and Renamo in Mozambique, which both became viable political parties, and the RUF in Sierra Leone and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, which did not. It is found that the rebel groups are more likely to become viable political parties when the leadership of the group is united on the decision to abandon the armed struggle and enter peaceful politics; when the rebel group has a relatively high level of popular support among the domestic population; and when key international actors and donors recognise the rebel group as a legitimate political actor. The findings also demonstrate how and why each of these three factors is linked to the outcomes in question by identifying the group’s selective and collective incentives for mobilising support and resources as the key causal mechanisms at work in rebel-to-party transformations. These conclusions are critical to our understanding of the conditions that facilitate or obstruct a transition from rebellion to politics.
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| 43. |
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| 44. |
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| 45. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-, et al.
(författare)
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Krisen kräver medling
- 2014
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Ingår i: Dala-Demokraten. - Falun : AB Dalademokraten.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 46. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi
(författare)
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Negotiating Sacred Grounds? : Resolving Islamist Armed Conflicts
- 2020
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Ingår i: International Negotiation. - : Brill. - 1382-340X .- 1571-8069. ; 25:3, s. 375-388
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Under what conditions can Islamist armed conflicts be resolved through peace negotiations? Armed conflicts involving Islamist groups have emerged as one of the most pressing challenges on the global agenda for peace and security. But the track record of conflict resolution in these settings is not encouraging. While armed conflicts have generally decreased in the post-Cold War period, as many prolonged civil wars were resolved through negotiated settlements, this has not been true to the same extent for this sub-category of conflicts. Yet, we know surprisingly little about why this is the case. The purpose of this thematic issue is to address this gap. Each contributor tackles a different angle of the overarching research problem.
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| 47. |
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| 48. |
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| 49. |
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| 50. |
- Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi, 1974-
(författare)
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The Legacy of a Revolution that Never Happened : The Post-War Politics of Former Rebel Party RUFP in Sierra Leone
- 2021
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Ingår i: Government and Opposition. - : Cambridge University Press (CUP). - 0017-257X .- 1477-7053. ; 56:2, s. 245-259
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The former rebel party Revolutionary United Front Party (RUFP) in Sierra Leone has struggled with a discredited wartime reputation and electoral defeats throughout the post-war period. In spite of this, the party has remained loyal to its wartime revolutionary ideas, symbols and political rhetoric. Why is this the case? In this article, I argue that the answer lies in the premises of party politics in war-torn states and new democracies on the African continent. In a political landscape where brokerage is power, retaining wartime identities can sometimes serve as a valuable source of (potential) patronage. With few other options for access to resources and opportunities, the core of the party membership has clung to its past as a means to both rally electoral support among the marginalized ex-combatant community and to get access to the long-awaited funds that were promised to them in the peace negotiations.
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