| 51. |
- Philipson Isaac, Sarah, 1990
(författare)
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Temporal Dispossession: The Politics of Asylum and the Remaking of Racial Capitalism in and Beyond the Borders of the Swedish Welfare State
- 2024
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This thesis sets out from the post-2015 Swedish asylum legislation, which made Sweden’s asylum policy among the most restrictive in the EU. The most decisive changes were the shift from permanent to temporary residence permits as the standard protection provided, along with the increasingly blurred lines between migration regimes and labour market policies. With temporary residence permits as the new norm, time and labour market productivity are central to the distribution of vulnerability and life chances, as labour market participation functions as the only means of qualifying for permanent residence. The policy shift can be seen as an institutionalization of temporality and deportability, as it carries the inherent risk of deportation if residence permits are not reissued upon renewal. Against this background, this thesis draws on temporal enactments of dispossession and racial capitalism as a theoretical framework to analyse how the control of time results in different forms of dispossession – a feature that is closely tied to the selection logics of late racial capitalism, namely: differentiation, devaluation, and competition. Although dispossession has been conceptualized as a mechanism of authoritative control over the spatial, emotional, and relational aspects of (neo)colonized subjects’ lives, research often fails to recognize the significance of time and temporality in understanding this process. Here, I seek to bridge this gap. Furthermore, where migration studies have been critiqued for perpetuating methodological nationalism, temporal dispossession foregrounds time as central to the distribution of rights to make visible how the control of time is an experience shared across multiple positions – citizens and non-citizens alike. While this directs our attention to the continuum of temporal control, those positioned as migrants are often experiencing the most acute effects of the temporal restrictions that affect access to rights. The thesis builds on four years of ethnographical engagements with interlocutors who sought asylum between 2015 and 2017, and interviews with street-level bureaucrats, from the Swedish Migration Agency, NGOs, asylum lawyers, to the Swedish Public Employment Service. Consequently, engaging with the interlocutors’ experiences through the theoretical lens of temporal dispossession is a means of centring time not only within the workings of racial capitalism, but also on how border regimes work to sustain racial capitalism and how labour market exploitation is exacerbated by the legal liminality the interlocutors inhabit. Chapter 5, on temporal dispossession through migration bureaucracy, examines the temporal dimensions of the Migration Agency’s New Public Management (NPM) procedures as they assess asylum applications. It traces the enforced deceleration, interrupted by pockets of acceleration, that obscures the interlocutors from frames of intelligibility in the asylum process. Here, temporal dispossession consists of preventing those seeking asylum from making progress in their cases, using temporal means of discarding their need for protection and relegating them to a different pace of time as compared to the surrounding society, effectively positioning them as untrustworthy and thus as undeserving asylum subjects. Chapter 6 investigates ‘islands of dispossession’ where time and space merge in the analysis of the body as the most intimate scale of such islands, asylum camps and make-shift camps as the national scale, and enforcement archipelagos as the global scale. Together, these tease out the role of temporal dispossession in carceral geographies and the role of border regimes in sustaining racial capitalism. The chapter also engages with how interlocutors redefine and resist the spaces of the camp through community formations. The final analytical chapter on the workings of temporal dispossession in the labour market (Chapter 7) examines the productivity of time in the production of surplus, cheap, and disposable labour forces, where labour market participation constitutes the only means of securing permanent protection. This is examined through the interlocutors’ experiences navigating the informal labour market, ‘fast track’ labour market programmes, and their attempts to ‘switch’ tracks from asylum to labour market migration to secure their futures and reduce the pervasive threat of deportability. Taken together, the thesis seeks to contribute to research on how dispossession operates in and through the border regime, specifically through its temporal configurations, and how the latter is weaponised to dispossess people of their life chances. The thesis further seeks to contribute to research on the political economy of borders in the Nordic context by examining the operation of racial capitalism through the welfare state, where labour market exploitation is exacerbated by the precarity produced through its migration bureaucracies.
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| 52. |
- Lavička, Martin
(författare)
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Uyghur Community Matters in Light of Governmental White Papers
- 2022
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Ingår i: Community Still Matters : Uyghur Culture and Society in Central Asian Context - Uyghur Culture and Society in Central Asian Context. - 9788776943158 ; 77, s. 295-310
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter aims to demonstrate the normative constraints and governmental strategies towards the various aspects of Uyghur community matters by analysing the Chinese government’s white papers. Content analysis of white papers presents the official Chinese narrative and illustrates the gradual shift in Beijing’s policy towards the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). It further illuminates the increasing securitisation and repression of the Uyghurs, which is in striking contrast to Beijing’s claims of ethnic unity (minzu tuanjie) and harmony (minzu hexie) under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
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| 53. |
- Feijoo, C., et al.
(författare)
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Harnessing artificial intelligence (AI) to increase wellbeing for all: The case for a new technology diplomacy
- 2020
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Ingår i: Telecommunications Policy. - : Elsevier BV. - 0308-5961. ; 44:6
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The field of artificial intelligence (AI) is experiencing a period of intense progress due to the consolidation of several key technological enablers. AI is already deployed widely and has a high impact on work and daily life activities. The continuation of this process will likely contribute to deep economic and social changes. To realise the tremendous benefits of AI while mitigating undesirable effects will require enlightened responses by many stakeholders. Varying national institutional, economic, political, and cultural conditions will influence how AI will affect convenience, efficiency, personalisation, privacy protection, and surveillance of citizens. Many expect that the winners of the AI development race will dominate the coming decades economically and geopolitically, potentially exacerbating tensions between countries. Moreover, nations are under pressure to protect their citizens and their interests—and even their own political stability—in the face of possible malicious or biased uses of AI. On the one hand, these different stressors and emphases in AI development and deployment among nations risk a fragmentation between world regions that threatens technology evolution and collaboration. On the other hand, some level of differentiation will likely enrich the global AI ecosystem in ways that stimulate innovation and introduce competitive checks and balances through the decentralisation of AI development. International cooperation, typically orchestrated by intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations, private sector initiatives, and by academic researchers, has improved common welfare and avoided undesirable outcomes in other technology areas. Because AI will most likely have more fundamental effects on our lives than other recent technologies, stronger forms of cooperation that address broader policy and governance challenges in addition to regulatory and technological issues may be needed. At a time of great challenges among nations, international policy coordination remains a necessary instrument to tackle the ethical, cultural, economic, and political repercussions of AI. We propose to advance the emerging concept of technology diplomacy to facilitate the global alignment of AI policy and governance and create a vibrant AI innovation system. We argue that the prevention of malicious uses of AI and the enhancement of human welfare create strong common interests across jurisdictions that require sustained efforts to develop better, mutually beneficial approaches. We hope that new technology diplomacy will facilitate the dialogues necessary to help all interested parties develop a shared understanding and coordinate efforts to utilise AI for the benefit of humanity, a task whose difficulty should not be underestimated.
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| 54. |
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| 55. |
- Groglopo, Adrián, 1967
(författare)
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Om samhälle #EfterCorona
- 2020
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Ingår i: Tidskrift Kontext. - Stockholm : Kontext.
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Annan publikation (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Ett samtal om läget i samhället och världen #EfterCorona, och som anordnades av Tidskriften Kontext. Samtalet presenterades som en studiecirkel och hade som syfte att lyfta fram olika texter som behandlar samhället och pandemin. Här presenterade jag två artiklar: den ena av den argentinska politologen Atilio Boron och den andra av den mexikanska/argentinska filosofen Enrique Dussel. Båda texterna har översatts av Adrián Groglopo och samtalet om #EfterCorona utgick från dessa texter.
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| 56. |
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| 57. |
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| 58. |
- Hammami, Feras, 1978, et al.
(författare)
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Heritage and Urban Resistance: Exploring Identity Politics, Commons and Conflict
- 2017
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Rapport (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Urban resistances have erupted in several countries, disrupting everyday life and challenging urban policies and planning. This project looks at how heritage and resistance both as concepts and as empirical realities for people on the ground are fundamentally interdependent and today constitute multiple sites of conflict. The same sites, objects, and evidence of the past are often claimed by diverse community groups in ways that make everyday life a micro dynamics of negotiating identity, recognition and sense of place. How often-contradictory positions on heritage are entangled in policies for the management of contested heritage sites will be investigated in Palestine, Turkey, and Sweden
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| 59. |
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| 60. |
- Pauw, W. P., et al.
(författare)
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Beyond headline mitigation numbers : we need more transparent and comparable NDCs to achieve the Paris Agreement on climate change
- 2018
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Ingår i: Climatic Change. - : Springer. - 0165-0009 .- 1573-1480. ; 147:1, s. 23-29
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Nationally determined contributions (NDCs) were key to reaching the Paris Agreement and will be instrumental in implementing it. Research was quick to identify the ‘headline numbers’ of NDCs: if these climate action plans were fully implemented, global mean warming by 2100 would be reduced from approximately 3.6 to 2.7°C above pre-industrial levels (Höhne et al. Climate Pol 17:1–17, 2016; Rogelj et al. Nature 534:631–639, 2016). However, beyond these headline mitigation numbers, NDCs are more difficult to analyse and compare. UN climate negotiations have so far provided limited guidance on NDC formulation, which has resulted in varying scopes and contents of NDCs, often lacking details concerning ambitions. If NDCs are to become the long-term instrument for international cooperation, negotiation, and ratcheting up of ambitions to address climate change, then they need to become more transparent and comparable, both with respect to mitigation goals, and to issues such as adaptation, finance, and the way in which NDCs are aligned with national policies. Our analysis of INDCs and NDCs (Once a party ratifies the Paris Agreement, it is invited to turn its Intended Nationally Determined Contribution (INDC) into an NDC. We refer to results from our INDC analysis rather than our NDC analysis in this commentary unless otherwise stated.) shows that they omit important mitigation sectors, do not adequately provide details on costs and financing of implementation, and are poorly designed to meet assessment and review needs.
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