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Search: AMNE:(SAMHÄLLSVETENSKAP Statsvetenskap) > Persson Anders

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  • Persson, Anders, 1982-, et al. (author)
  • Abrahamavtalens implikationer för fred i Mellanöstern
  • 2023
  • In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift. - : Fahlbeckska stiftelsen. - 0039-0747. ; 125:2, s. 423-444
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • The Abraham Accords, signed by Israel and four Arab states in 2020, were one of President Donald Trump’s most renowned foreign policy successes. They were also one of few of his administration’s policies that enjoyed bipartisan support in the US. But what type of peace has emerged following the Abraham Accords? In what ways do the Abraham Accords go beyond the cold and authoritarian peace that Israel enjoys with Egypt, Jordan and to a certain extent with the Palestinian Authority? Departing from the four dimensions of cold, warm, authoritarian, and democratic peace, this article aims to problematize the peace created after the Abraham Accords. The analysis shows that change in relations between elites and publics during the two years that has followed since the signing of the accords escapes easy categorization and has elements of all four peace dimensions. Trade and tourism have increased significantly, and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco have made alterations in their education about the Holocaust. All this points to a warmer and more recognitional peace than the peace Israel has enjoyed with Egypt and Jordan. However, at the same time, local activists that protest the Abraham Accords are regularly abused. This is done not least with the aid of Israeli cyber technology, which is being exported to three of four Arab states that are part of the Abraham Accords. As we show in the analysis, the new peace and normaliza-tion agreements within the Abraham Accords are part of the modernization strate-gies of the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, Sudan and even Saudi Arabia for the coming decades. These modernization strategies, which include aspects of liberalization as well, shall, with the possible exception of Sudan, not in any way be confused with democratization. 
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  • Persson, Anders, 1982- (author)
  • Auf Kurs bleiben : Die EU und der palästinensisch-israelische Konflikt
  • 2019
  • In: Osteuropa. - 0030-6428. ; 69:9-11, s. 448-460
  • Journal article (peer-reviewed)abstract
    • Die EU hält trotz rasanter Veränderungen im palästinensisch-israelischen Konflikt und im gesamten Nahen Osten an einer Zwei-Staaten-Lösung fest. Dieses hatten die Staaten der Europäischen Gemeinschaft in den 1970er Jahren gemeinsam als wegweisendes Konzept für einen gerechten Frieden im Nahen Osten entwickelt. Heute steht die Nahostpolitik der EU am Rande der Bedeutungslosigkeit. Zudem fällt es den Mitgliedstaaten immer schwerer, sich auf eine gemeinsame Position zu verständigen. Doch jene, die das Festhalten an der Zwei-Staaten-Lösung kritisieren, haben keine alternativen Konzepte für einen Frieden im Nahen Osten. Die EU tut daher gut daran, mit ihrem neuen Konzept der Konfliktfestigkeit (resilience) das als richtig Erkannte nicht über Bord zu werfen.
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  • Persson, Anders, 1982- (author)
  • Det går att bomba bort idéer
  • 2023
  • In: Kvartal. - : Mediehuset Kvartal AB. - 2003-6906. ; :2023-12-07
  • Journal article (pop. science, debate, etc.)abstract
    • Forskningen visar med all tydlighet att det verkligen går att tvinga stormakter till kapitulation, krossa ideologier med våld och bomba bort idéer. Men kan Israel göra det med Hamas, frågar sig statsvetaren Anders Persson som forskar om Israel–Palestina-konflikten.
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  • Result 1-10 of 92

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