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- Ikegami, Masako, 1961-
(author)
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‘A Historical Examination on the Decision-making Process of the Use of Nuclear Weapons’ : a Japan-US International Workshop ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’, co-organized by Center for Global Partnership, Pugwash USA, Pugwash Japan, Institute for International Studies, Meiji-Gakuin University, Tokyo, 24-25 January 2009
- 2009
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In: ‘Reducing Threats posted by Nuclear Weapons: Possible Cooperation between Japan and the United States’. - Tokyo : Meiji-Gakuin University Institute for International Studies. ; , s. 61-78
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)
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| 2. |
- Swain, Ashok, 1965-, et al.
(author)
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Stability and Sustainability in Peace Building Systems and the Environment
- 2009
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The chapter aims to highlight the importance of efficient management of environment in providing stable and sustainable peace to a post conflict society. An attempt has been made to give selected cases where sustainable economic development is neglected in post conflict peace building systems. Finally, there are three policy recommendations provided for how to address and successfully overcome the threats to sustainable peace – hence, how sustained stability can be brought into post-conflict projects.
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| 5. |
- Amnå, Erik
(author)
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Stand-by citizens : a three level analysis of civic engagement
- 2007
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- International research into democracy has uncovered severe changes in patterns of political engagement and participation. Even political institutions such as political parties and voluntary organisations have undergone major alterations. Scandinavian democracies hitherto have been regarded as exceptionally stable and strong, due to their homogenous qualities of mass-based class politics, strong political parties, high degree of associationalism, peaceful labour market relations, and developed welfare policies. However, three official democratic audits recently revealed that Scandinavian democracies have also been severely affected by both exogenous and endogenous constraints. In addition, Scandinavian democracies appear to be diverging heterogeneously from the assumed ‘pan-Scandinavian’ model.This paper presents a three-level study of conditions of active citizen participation in Swedish policy making. At individual level, focus group discussions with alleged most passive citizens as well as local leaders of various action groups and political parties expose complex motivations behind political orientations. At organisational level, interviews with leaders for new and old associations manifest crucial similarities regarding working methods, concepts of membership as well as concerning trust in political institutions. Third, at societal level, an ingenious (and voluntary) embeddedness of civil society in Swedish public sector is examined through analyses of budgetary and legally instructions.Finally, two conclusions are discussed. The widespread blaming of citizens for being passive has to be reappraised in the light of a more dynamic and contextual understanding of the conditions for civic engagement in late modernity politics. Simultaneously, researchers ought to pay more attention to latent as well as contextual dimensions of political participation.
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| 6. |
- Amnå, Erik
(author)
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Stand-by citizens : motives and embeddedness of Swedish civic engagement
- 2007
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- In contrast to often heard claiming about an overall weakened civic engagement in older Western democracies, this study goes beyond the surface of manifested behaviour traditionally used as measurements of political participation. Instead, it looks for latent individual civic orientations. Focus groups interviews with particularly Swedish citizens that usually are represented as “passive” in aggregated statistics results in analyses of a far more composite and dynamic civic engagement rooted in motivations regarding obligation, importance, ability, demand, effectiveness and meaningfulness. Additionally the study reveals a civic engagement that is deeply embedded not only in political and social movements and organisations but also in welfare state institutions such as their relationships towards civil society organisations.
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| 7. |
- Hedlund, Gun, 1951-
(author)
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Governance and body politics
- 2008
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Conference paper (other academic/artistic)abstract
- The aim of my paper is to describe the new Swedish politics of women´s sexual and bodily integrity. Two Governement Bills have december 2006 and 2007 declared how the independent feminist movement of shelters for women who are victims of violence and local and regional authorites shall create networks and partnerships in order to qualify for state, financial support (totally 20 million Euro). Two case-studies have been done 2007 and 2008 to study this process. My theorizing is mainly analytically descriptive and is based on a feminist critique of the concept of governance. Governance is today as a new perspective concerning the role of the State and politics in modern society. In an Us context the concept is often used to describe political leadership. In an European context governance is mostly described as traditional political decision-making and control are regarded as inadequate to handle complex problems. A great number of different partnerships and networks can be identified where the State is one of many players. The “new ideas” of governance put emphasis on an ideal of consensus and deliberative democracy where power is eliminated to the greatest possible extent. However, a feminist perspective on men´s violence and women´s sexual integrity is a very controversial issue in everyday politics. Conflicts are a self-evident element of a democracy, according to Mouffe, who introduces the term agonism (2000). I wish to argue that the ideal of consensus as an organisational principle in networks and partnerships may constitute an obstacle to women acting as an interest group with collectively-based demands in sexual politics. It hinders an open, political discussion on fairness and unfairness or the distribution of resources where women and men as visible parties meet in a dialogue that can also comprise conflict.
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