| 1. |
- Tunon, Håkan, et al.
(författare)
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Kulturarv och hållbar utveckling
- 2010
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Ingår i: Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - : Föreningen Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - 0349-2834 .- 2002-3812. ; , s. 99–106-
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Tidskriftsartikel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)
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| 2. |
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| 4. |
- Hallgren, Karin
(författare)
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Kåhlgårdh medh ett Päron trä uthi : Lantmäterikartor och Hallands landsbeskrifning 1729 som källa till landsbygdens köksväxtodlingar under 1600- och 1700-talet
- 2011
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Ingår i: Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - 0349-2834 .- 2002-3812. ; 61, s. 53-67
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- The history of kitchen gardening in Scandinavia remains for the most part unexplored, due probably to a scarcity of source materials and to a failure to hit on any fruitful topics of investigation concerning these small and, economically, rather unimportant plots of land. The lack of research is apparent, for example, from conflicting opinions as to when enclosed kitchen gardens became common in the Swedish countryside. Some scholars maintain that permanent, enclosed gardens near the farmstead were already common in the Iron Age, even in modest circumstances, while others have claimed that such gardens only gained currency after medieval times and remained uncommon till the end of the 17th century. Till then, the argument continues, “kitchen gardening” was done in arable fields. Kitchen gardens are often recorded in historical maps. Can we tell from these maps how common such gardens were and how they were organised? To investigate this point, a study has been made of the early geometrical cadastral maps from between 1630 and 1655 (roughly 12,000 units) and all infield maps for 1700, 1725, 1750 and 1775 (respectively, 289, 184, 98 and 396 units). The cartographic material has been supplemented from Hallands Landsbeskrifning, a register of Halland farmsteads in 1729, from a number of parishes were selected for study. In the 17th century material, kitchen gardens figure in only 1% of the maps (100), while occurring in half the maps from 1700 and 70% of those from 1725. The proportion of maps showing kitchen gardens then drops to 50% in 1775. The question is whether this reflects actual conditions or whether kitchen gardens are underrepresented in the maps. Examples show the surveyors compiling the 17th century maps to have disregarded elements of the landscape. In all probability this meant the exclusion of many kitchen gardens, which, unlike hop gardens and mills, for example, are not mentioned in the instructions concerning items to be shown on the map. In the 18th century maps, kitchen gardens are commonest in the interior and west of Götaland. There they are included in more than 80% of the maps, whereas in most other counties the figure is less than 50%. The present study is based on a small amount of cadastral material and will be expanded. Comparison between the Halland maps drawn in 1729 and the particulars in Hallands Landsbeskrifning for the same villages shows both sources to contain a detailed description of the number of gardens but at the same time reveals a discrepancy concerning the number of gardens. This could be because the number was not evident, e.g. if a plot was shared by a number of people, or because it was not clear whether the cultivated plot should be counted as a kitchen garden, a garden or a hopyard. It is also possible that the data are not entirely simultaneous and that frequent changes occurred in the number and use of the cultivated plots. According to Hallands Landsbeskrifning, the kitchen gardens often included hops and trees, both fruit trees and trees of other kinds. Kitchen gardens with neither hops nor trees were exceptional in some parishes. Quite a number of maps also describe multipurpose arable land, but particulars of this kind occur less frequently than in Hallands Landsbeskrifning. Apart from fruit trees and hops, kitchen gardens could be used for grass production and hemp cultivation, but it is uncertain how common this was. The evidently widespread combination of different functions has caused attention to focus on the names applied to the different cultivated plots (cabbage patch, herb garden, hopyard, hemp land, grassplot). Another vital question yet to be answered is when enclosed cultivated land became common practice in the Swedish countryside. Further work on these topics will require additional studies of historical maps and written sources, coupled with garden archaeological investigations
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| 5. |
- Klintborg Ahlklo, Åsa, et al.
(författare)
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Landskapet som industriminne
- 2014
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Ingår i: Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - : Föreningen Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - 0349-2834 .- 2002-3812. ; :67, s. 8-23
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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| 6. |
- Lindgren, Anna, 1972, et al.
(författare)
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Promoting modernity through cultivation: Early Swedish railway gardens and the art of improving nature : Odling som modernitetbefrämjare: Tidiga järnvägsplaneringar och naturförsköningskonst
- 2021
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Ingår i: Bebyggelseshistorisk tidskrift. - 0349-2834. ; 81, s. 7-26
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores how the “art of improving nature” (naturförsköningskonsten) together with the overarching ideals of modernity, guided and inspired the establishment of gardens alongside the earliest Swedish railways. Using Hallsberg railway junction as an example, the railway garden and its renewal in the 1860s is analysed as material expressions of modernity. The article suggests that gardens played a key role in promoting modernity when the railway, a new form of mobility, was established. Defining factors behind railway gardens are discussed in relation to the contemporaneous ideal of the art of improving nature. Until recently, research into early railway gardens was limited due to the misconception that much archive material had been lost. By analysing surviving records in the archives from Hallsberg, the article demonstrates that gardens were planned in detail and that large-scale projects were carried out. Fragments in railway areas can, together with the archive material, carry information about ambitious ideals as well as mundane practicalities in modern history.
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| 7. |
- Ahrland, Åsa, et al.
(författare)
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Forntiden i parker
- 1999
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Ingår i: Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - : Föreningen Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - 0349-2834 .- 2002-3812. ; :37, s. 7-32
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)
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| 8. |
- Ahrland, Åsa
(författare)
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Power and paradise : Swedish deer parks in a long-term perspective
- 2011
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Ingår i: Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift. - 0349-2834 .- 2002-3812. ; 61, s. 68-89
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Many landscapes designated as nature reserves, Natura 2000 sites or national interest areas for nature conservation consist of former deer parks. Relevant to future conservation, is their social and cultural context. The article discusses the purpose and symbolic value of Swedish deer parks in relation to the concept of power and the concept of paradise by analysing them in a long-term perspective. Throughout history, hunting has served as a political instrument when claiming power over land and people. In the ancient Asian empires, royal hunts could be performed publicly in the open countryside or privately in parks, in Persia pairidaeza, which would include hunting grounds, gardens, orchards, arable land, forests and villages. When described in Greek, they were called paradeisos, a term also used for the Garden of Eden in Genesis. In medieval Europe, hunting became the ultimate form of courtly life. The parks of the élite provided not only game, but agricultural produce, fodder, timber and fuel. In Sweden the first parks mentioned in the written sources are those of the Vasa dynasty in the 16th century. Early 17th century large-scale maps (1630 - 1655), show parks with wooded grassland, fields, meadows, lakes, roads, barns and homesteads, mirroring the needs of the animals: water supply, fodder production for winter feed, shelter, and a habitat where they would feel secure and breed. Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna presents hunting as part of the lifestyle of the nobility and, like 18th century maps, depict parks as pleasure grounds. Restricted hunting rights have secured the hunt for the élite. In Sweden the concept of konungx parkum was introduced in 14th century legislation, along with the monopolisation of some of the hunting. Wild animals could now be considered be somebody’s possession and hunting an exclusive pursuit. Punishments were introduced for unlawful shooting or trapping of high game in deer parks and hunting reserves, mirroring the symbolic power of the deer park, hunting high game and eating venison. There was also a campaign for the eradication of large predators. The study shows that deer parks formed a significant part of the manorial landscape of the outmost élite in Sweden in the 17th and 18th centuries. It demonstrates that Swedish deer parks served various purposes and were laid out and used in different ways, and that this flexibility is part of the general history of parks. Its versatility might be the very reason for the deer park remaining an important manifestation of the élite for such a long time through history. It expressed superiority and power and was at the same time a place of beauty, an earthly paradise where the animals were kept secluded and, ideally, without interference from outside. It can be concluded that parks with animals represent a longue durée through Eurasian history and that deer parks in Sweden deserve to be studied further within this context.
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