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- Eriksson, Johan, et al.
(författare)
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Rymden : en privat affär?
- 2012
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Ingår i: Internationella Studier. - Stockholm : Utrikespolitiska institutet. - 0020-952X. ; :3, s. 12-14
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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- Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy, et al.
(författare)
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Governance Beyond the Global: Who Controls the Extraterrestrial?
- 2013
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Ingår i: Globalizations. - : Informa UK Limited. - 1474-7731 .- 1474-774X. ; 10:2, s. 277-292
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- How is outer space governed? This article argues that private authority is gaining salience in space politics, even with respect to the traditionally state-centric security and military aspects of space. Further, while commercial actors have always played a role in space programs, three significant changes can be detected: transnational conglomerates and consortia as opposed to individual corporations are emerging as key partners in space politics; private partners are gaining stronger and wider responsibilities for the development and management of space programs (including manned spaceflights); and public accountability is increasingly at stake due to a widening of security in space policy. The latter development includes a blurring of key distinctions between military and civilian usage (also referred to as dual-use or dual-role application), as well as between the public and private realms.
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| 5. |
- Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy, et al.
(författare)
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Technological Megashift and the EU : Threats, Vulnerabilities, and Fragmented Responsibilities
- 2021. - 1
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Ingår i: The European Union and the Technological Shift. - Cham : Palgrave Macmillan. - 9783030636715 - 9783030636722 ; , s. 27-55
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This chapter addresses the technological megashift and implications for security and accountability within the EU. Digitalised interconnectivity of increasingly ‘embedded’ systems, infrastructures and societal functions are megashift features. Although the EU hardly lacks technological strategies, accountability structures beg improvement, and there are multiple expert groups with insufficient coordination and societal focus. The EU suffers from techno-optimism—coupled to powerful objectives of fuelling economic growth—which can lead to broadly conceived and represented security issues falling in shadow and struggles between interests being inadequately addressed. This chapter analyses how the EU deals with the megashift with respect to threats, surveillance systems, infrastructural vulnerability and public-private accountability. It is suggested that the EU take (i) a holistic grip on the megashift and implications, (ii) abandon optimistic techno-determinism for nuanced and contextual understanding and (iii) avoid outsourcing management of sensitive data and critical infrastructures.
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| 6. |
- Newlove-Eriksson, Lindy, et al.
(författare)
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The Invisible Hand? Critical Information Infrastructures, Commercialisation and National Security
- 2018
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Ingår i: The International Spectator. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0393-2729 .- 1751-9721. ; 53:2, s. 124-140
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- Corporatisation of critical information infrastructure (CII) is rooted inthe ‘privatisation wave’ of the 1980s-90s, when the ground was laidfor outsourcing public utilities. Despite well-known risks relating toreliability, resilience, and accountability, commitment to efficiencyimperatives have driven governments to outsource key publicservices and infrastructures. A recent illustrative case with enormousimplications is the 2017 Swedish ICT scandal, where outsourcing ofCII caused major security breaches. With the transfer of the SwedishTransport Agency’s ICT system to IBM and subcontractors, classifieddata and protected identities were made accessible to non-vettedforeign private employees – sensitive data could thus now be inanyone’s hands. This case clearly demonstrates accountability gapsthat can arise in public-private governance of CII.
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| 9. |
- Nilsson, Niklas, 1979-
(författare)
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Beacon of Liberty : Role Conceptions, Crises and Stability in Georgia’s Foreign Policy, 2004–2012
- 2015
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- In 2004, Mikheil Saakashvili was elected president in Georgia, committing to a foreign policy that would ostensibly make his country a leading example of reform and democratization in the post-Soviet space, and a net-contributor to Euro-Atlantic security. Throughout its time in power and until its defeat in Georgia’s 2012 parliamentary elections, the Saakashvili government remained steadfast in its commitment to establishing these international roles for Georgia, despite developments in both the country’s international and domestic contexts that could plausibly have made these roles, and the foreign policy decisions deriving from them, redundant.This dissertation explores the relationship between national role conceptions (NRCs) and foreign policy stability. It demonstrates how Georgia’s NRCs as a Beacon of Liberty and a Net-Security Contributor, evolving specifically in the relationship between the Georgian and U.S. governments during these years, contributed to stability in Georgia’s foreign policy. Yet these NRCs were also subjected to serious challenges, particularly relating to two crises ensuing over the November 2007 riots in Tbilisi and the August 2008 war between Georgia and Russia. In both cases, the Georgian government was subjected to conflicting imperatives emanating from its own role conceptions, the expectations voiced by its U.S. counterparts, and the immediate demands of crisis decision making.Drawing on recent advances in foreign policy role theory and crisis management theory, two social mechanisms are developed, role location and role conflict management. Role location is a long-term process of interaction between the actor and significant others, resulting in a gradual harmonization of role expectations and intentions. Role conflict management instead represents the actor’s handling of potentially disruptive moments, raising questions about the credibility and legitimacy of existing NRCs in the eyes of others, and confronting the actor with choices regarding stability and change in existing NRCs.The framework is applied in an analysis of the Georgian government’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the U.S. in the years 2004-2012, with particular attention to the disruptive effects of the crises in 2007-2008, and the actions taken to address the resulting role conflicts. The analysis draws on unique first-hand material, including interviews with members of the Georgian and U.S. foreign policy elites, confidential diplomatic correspondence and official speeches, to uncover the processes by which the mechanisms of role location and role conflict management played out in Georgia’s foreign policy. The dissertation concludes that the stability in Georgia’s foreign policy stemmed from the fact that the two NRCs became deeply socially embedded in Georgia’s relations with the U.S. over time, but also from the Georgian government’s ability to adapt its NRCs in response to crises, the role expectations of significant others, and contextual change.
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| 10. |
- Svantesson, Monica, 1978-
(författare)
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Threat Construction inside Bureaucracy : A Bourdieusian Study of the European Commission and the Framing of Irregular Immigration 1974-2009
- 2014
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Doktorsavhandling (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This dissertation examines how we construct security threats. Theoretically, it contributes to the literature on securitization and threat construction, which has hitherto overlooked how influential bureaucracies that – in contrast to the police and the military – have little to gain from widened threat perceptions, may still contribute to threat construction.The dissertation studies the European Commission and the issue of irregular immigration. By using frame analysis, it firstly explores what constructions of irregular immigration that the Commission generates and to what extent these contribute to threat construction. Using the Bourdieusian concepts of field, capital and habitus, it secondly analyzes how certain constructions of irregular immigration are authorized at the expense of others, due to the inner bureaucratic logic of the Commission.The empirical result reveals that the Commission mostly defines irregular immigrants as victims, yet simultaneously favors policy solutions that mainly seek to avert immigration. The Commission thus contributes to threat construction primarily through its policy solutions. Studying the inner logic of the Commission field highlights how informal routines and tacit power relations between Commission departments authorize certain frames over others. Importantly, the analysis shows how the naming of irregular immigrants as victims tends not to cost the officials anything in terms of symbolic capital, whereas the suggesting of less restrictive solutions tends to do so. Definitions and policy solutions thus follow different bureaucratic logics, which enables a mismatch between them. Moreover, the threat construction appears not because Commission officials believe that restrictive measures are the only way to solve problems linked to irregular immigration. On the contrary, officials believe that a multitude of solutions are needed. Instead, the threat construction is an unintended consequence of the logic of the field.
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