| 1. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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Hetsig vinstdebatt skymmer viktiga vägval
- 2016
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Ingår i: Svenska Dagbladet. - 1101-2412.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Samhället behöver diskutera vad det allmänna ska sköta och vad som är den enskildes ansvar. Men denna avgörande debatt försvinner i ett ideologiskt krig kring vinster i dagens välfärd. Det skriver historikerna Mats Hallenberg och Magnus Linnarsson.
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| 2. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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Politiska rum : En introduktion
- 2014
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Ingår i: Politiska rum. - Lund : Nordic Academic Press. - 9789187675096 ; , s. 7-17
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- Politik har i alla tider utspelats på olika typer av platser, från de politiska sammanträdesrummen till galgbacken utanför byn. Vilken betydelse hade rummet eller platsen för politikens utformning under förmodern tid, och vad ansågs vara en politisk handling? Utifrån ett rumsligt perspektiv och med en vidare syn på politik går det att förklara konflikter som annars inte skulle betraktas som politiska.I Politiska rum undersöker en grupp historiker platser och områden där konflikter utspelades mellan överhet och undersåtar under den förmoderna perioden. Texterna handlar om politik, hur politiken formade platserna och hur rum och plats i sin tur påverkade politiken. I bokens olika bidrag är rummet inte enbart den scen där politiken utspelades. Författarna diskuterar också hur rumsliga villkor har påverkat politiken, samt hur människors rörelser och handlingar bidragit till att särskilda platser och rum blivit politiska.
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| 3. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, et al.
(författare)
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Privat och publikt i det förmoderna samhället : Konflikter om allmännyttan i frihetstidens Sverige
- 2014
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Ingår i: Förmoderna offentligheter. - Lund : Nordic Academic Press. - 9789187351129 ; , s. 57-74
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Bokkapitel (övrigt vetenskapligt/konstnärligt)abstract
- This article investigates and discusses privatization and out-sourcing of various state enterprises, regarded as a political problem. The aim is to show that the contradiction between public and private organization, is not a modern phenomena, rather a question that has permeated political discourse even in pre-modern times. Theoretically, the study draws on Janet Newman and John Clarkes work on how “publicness” – defined as a consciousness about the meaning of the public – has constructed discursive chains. These chains merge conceptions of the political community, the organization of the enterprise, and values of the common good. The example used in the study is the debate about the organization of the Swedish customs service in the early 1700s.The analysis shows that the Swedish diet in 1723 was divided about the organization of the customs services. Some members of the diet thought that the customs should stay under state governance; some thought that a private entrepreneur should be engaged via a lease contract. The conflict between the two parts led to fierce debates at the diet, each side hurling arguments for their opinion. Those in favor for state service, considered the private entrepreneurs to be selfish and greedy; those arguing for a lease contract, considered the state servants to be sloppy and inefficient.The debate about the customs service in 1723 have proven that the discursive chains, derived from Newman and Clarke, were in place also in the politics of eighteenth century Sweden. The most prominent aspect in the customs debate is the linkage of the publicness to a specific form of organization – in this example public or private. These findings have briefly been compared to previous research on Sweden in the 1600s, and the debate in 1723 thus provides examples of discursive changes, but also of continuity of the arguments given.
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| 4. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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The quest for publicness : political conflict about the organisation of tramways and telecommunication in Sweden, c. 1900–1920
- 2017
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Ingår i: Scandinavian Economic History Review. - : Informa UK Limited. - 0358-5522 .- 1750-2837. ; 65:1, s. 70-87
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores political conflicts about the organisation of public services in Sweden c. 1900–1920. The authors argue that political decisions play a vital role in shaping the political economy of public services. The case studies analysed are the political debates about the communalisation of the tramway system in Stockholm, and the nationalisation of Sweden’s last private telephone company. In both cases, the transfer of the service to public organisation was a lengthy process, ending in the late 1910s. This is explained using the concept of publicness. Drawing on three discursive chains, the argument is that the political development was affected by the politicians conception of the political community, the form of organisation and by perceptions of values such as equal access and modernity. In the case of the tramways, public organisation was seen as the best option to defend the public against corruption and self-interest. In the case of the telephones, free market competition was seen as a guarantee for an efficient and cost- effective service. The reason for this difference, is argued, was that the debate on the tramways articulated a clearer notion of publicness, where equal access and public opinion carried larger weight.
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| 5. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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Towns go public : Urban services and the broadening ofurban communities in Scandinavia 1850–1920
- 2018
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Konferensbidrag (refereegranskat)abstract
- From the mid-nineteenth century and onwards, debates on urban public services became an integral part of municipal politics in Nordic towns. The industrial revolution came late in Nordic countries and the problem of how to integrate immigrants and factory workers into existing networks became paramount at the end of the century. This paper will discuss how municipal bodies tackled the problem of making the city accessible to new groups in the urban landscape. New forms of infrastructure had been introduced by private initiative: water, gas, electricity, tramways etc. In city councils and popular press, proponents of equal access argued that such services should be controlled and provided by municipal bodies. Their adversaries claimed that business operations were better run by private companies, and that municipal takeovers would only mean a larger burden for the tax-payers. The debates on how to improve and extend the reach of public services articulated new notions of community. The daily lives of women, children and the urban poor became a contested issue, and a new field for political solutions. Eventually, a future-oriented discourse became dominant where the solutions for today were expected to solve the problems of tomorrow as well.
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| 6. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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Vad vill ni egentligen med välfärden, politiker?
- 2017
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Ingår i: Expressen. - 1103-923X. ; :4 september
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Politiker från höger till vänster missförstår frågan om vinster i välfärden. Släpp låsningarna och börja leverera samhällsservice till rimlig kostnad för samtliga medborgare, skriver historikerna Mats Hallenberg och Magnus Linnarsson, som studerat debatten ur ett 400-årigt perspektiv.
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| 7. |
- Hallenberg, Mats, 1962-, et al.
(författare)
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Vem tar bäst hand om det allmänna? : Politiska konflikter om privata och offentliga utförare 1720–1860
- 2016
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Ingår i: Historisk Tidskrift. - 0345-469X .- 2002-4827. ; 136:1, s. 32-63
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Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
- This article explores four political debates in the Swedish diet and among the ruling elite in Stockholm on the organization of public services. The results demonstrate how in different ways notions of the common good permeated the discourse on all occasions.When the Swedish government tried to initiate public street lightning in Stockholm in 1749, there was a broad consensus among government and city officials that this should be done by the creation of a municipal organization financed by tax income. The burghers of Stockholm, however, opposed the proposal and argued that they were themselves better suited to care for the streetlights. The common good should be provided by individual action of responsible, male householders. Eventually the burghers got the upper hand and public street lightning continued to be organized by private initiative until the mid-nineteenth century.When in the 1720s the Swedish diet discussed the lease of custom duties by a merchant consortium (Sw. generaltullarrendesocieteten), the problem of corruption emerged as the bone of contention. Proponents claimed that this form of private enterprise was an effective means to suppress widespread corruption among state officials. Their opponents argued to the contrary that private leaseholders would skim off the profits for themselves, thereby depriving the state of its income.In the mid-eighteenth century the city authorities in Stockholm debated whether the emptying of latrines should remain an individual concern or if it should be recognized as a public matter. The city officials at first decided that this task was indeed a matter of public concern that should be handled by private entrepreneurs. Within a few years they had changed their minds, however, proposing instead that a new communal organization should be created for the removal of city waste. By now, the ruling elite of Stockholm had begun to identify the common good with municipal direction.The development of railway infrastructure was a hotly debated subject in the Swedish diet of the 1850s. Some representatives argued that private entrepreneurs would provide more cost-effective solutions than publicly managed railways, while others claimed that the state must administer a national system of railways. In the debate, private self-interest was juxtaposed with equal access to the common good. The proponents of state intervention claimed that national concerns must have priority over financial gain, and this argument would eventually influence the final decision.By the middle of the nineteenth century there was a growing consensus among the ruling elites in Sweden that the common good could best be provided for by state or municipal initiative. In the debates, arguments about organizational efficiency and equal access to public services eventually won out over notions of individual responsibility and private enterprise as a better alternative to corrupt government. In the late twentieth century the debate had shifted radically, however. The reasons for this shift will be the subject of our future research.
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| 8. |
- Linnarsson, Magnus, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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Coronakrisen tvingar fram vägval
- 2020
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Ingår i: Dagens Arena.
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)abstract
- Coronakrisen visar på ett stort behov av kollektivt ansvar, och röster höjs för tydligare gränser för den privata sektorn. Vi har sett det förr, skriver historikerna Magnus Linnarsson och Mats Hallenberg. Den pågående coronapandemin har bytt in en gammal bänknötare från avbytarbänken. Plötsligt ropar alla på staten. På bara ett par veckor har den politiska debatten i Sverige svängt från att handla om marknadskrafter och valfrihet till att helt och hållet domineras av en stark tilltro till det allmänna och krav på kollektiva lösningar.
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| 9. |
- Linnarsson, Magnus, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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Olika vägar till välfärdsstaden
- 2020
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Ingår i: Arbetarhistoria. - 0281-7446. ; :173-174, s. 121-121
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Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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| 10. |
- Linnarsson, Magnus, Docent, 1977-, et al.
(författare)
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The Nordic welfare city – types and dimensions
- 2024
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Ingår i: Nordic Welfare Cities. - New York and London : Routledge. - 9781032459110 - 9781032459134 - 9781003379232 ; , s. 209-221
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Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
- An important conclusion of this book is that the evolution of the Nordic welfare city was a process of several overlapping phases or dimensions. This chapter suggest that this development should be interpreted as a succession of different types of welfare cities with specific characteristics; the patriarchal, the economic, the social, the universal, and the neoliberal welfare city. The model covers the whole period from c. 1850 to the present, addressing municipal organization as well as political regimes. We also contend that it was not material infrastructure by itself, but rather the ongoing contestation and negotiation over a plethora of various welfare services that eventually contributed to a widening and strengthening of urban citizenship. The types of welfare cities suggested thus represent different outcomes from the ongoing struggle over material and cultural networks, involving paupers as well as politicians and professional experts.
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