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Träfflista för sökning "hsv:(HUMANIORA) hsv:(Språk och litteratur) hsv:(Studier av enskilda språk) ;pers:(Blokland Rogier 1971)"

Sökning: hsv:(HUMANIORA) hsv:(Språk och litteratur) hsv:(Studier av enskilda språk) > Blokland Rogier 1971

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1.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971-, et al. (författare)
  • Komi-Saami-Russian contacts on the Kola Peninsula
  • 2011. - 1
  • Ingår i: <em>Language Contact in Times of Globalization</em>. - Amsterdam & New York : Rodopi. - 9789042033436 ; , s. 5-26
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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2.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971- (författare)
  • Borrowability of pronouns : evidence from Uralic
  • 2012
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-ugrische Mitteilungen. - Hamburg : Buske [= Helmut Buske Verlag]. - 0341-7816. ; 35, s. 1-34
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In borrowability hierarchies pronouns usually occupy a relatively low position, i.e. they are assumed not to borrowed very often. This is undoubtedly true, and therefore cases where it does occur may be of some interest with regard to the question what can be borrowed, and under what circumstances. Cases of borrowed non-personal pronouns are comparatively common, but personal pronouns are borrowed relatively rarely. Such instances can usually be divided into a number of categories, and they tend to occur mostly in languages where pronouns are open classes, in neighbouring languages with different clusivity strategies, in languages with avoidance styles, and in closely related languages. In a number of Uralic languages cases of borrowed pronouns are also found, though most of these do not come under any of the abovementioned categories. Borrowed personal pronouns occur in Enets, Komi-Zyryan and Komi-Permyak and in Vote. In these languages, however, the reasons for borrowing such pronouns are different: in Enets and Vote it was probably paradigmatic systematicity, whilst in the Komi cases it is most likely due to identity of various pronominal case forms.
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4.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971- (författare)
  • Finno-Ugric languages : Introduction
  • 2018. - 1
  • Ingår i: The fascination with Inner Eurasian languages in the 17th century. - Amsterdam : Pegasus. - 9789061434443 ; , s. 283-288
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)
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5.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971- (författare)
  • Gert Sauer 1932-2021
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen. - : Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura / Finno-Ugrian Society. - 0355-1253. ; :67, s. 226-228
  • Tidskriftsartikel (populärvet., debatt m.m.)
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8.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971-, et al. (författare)
  • Negation in South Saami
  • 2015. - 1
  • Ingår i: Negation in Uralic Languages. - Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company. - 9789027206893 - 9789027268648 ; , s. 377-398
  • Bokkapitel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • Standard negation in South Saami utilizes a negative auxiliary, which has two tenses (present and preterite), and connegative forms of the lexical verb. The negative auxiliary has a full personal paradigm in the imperative (except for the third person dual), whilst normal verbs only have a second person singular in the imperative. In predicative, locative, existential and possession clauses a combination of the negative auxiliary and the verb ‘to be’ is used. The present third person singular of the negative auxiliary serves as a negative reply. There are no specifically negative indefinites, and interrogative pronouns are also used as indefinites. Negative adjectives are mainly formed with suffixes, though borrowed prefixes also occur.
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9.
  • Blokland, Rogier, 1971- (författare)
  • Notes on an obsolete tensed negative pronoun construction in Livonian
  • 2022
  • Ingår i: Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. - : Tartu University Press. - 1736-8987 .- 2228-1339. ; 13:1, s. 37-64
  • Tidskriftsartikel (refereegranskat)abstract
    • In language contact situations indefinite pronouns are susceptible to borrowing and/or calquing, and Livonian, which has been under strong influence of Latvian, is no exception. The negative prefixoid äb, originally the third person singular of the negative auxiliary äb, and calqued on Latvian ne- NEG, has been used to form nouns (e.g., äbkūlzit NEG.obedience ‘disobedience’), adjectives (e.g., äbjõvā NEG.good ‘bad’) and adverbs (e.g., äbknaššõ NEG.nicely ‘nastily’), but in a number of 19th century sources one also finds indefinite pronouns with this same negative prefixoid, e.g., a̤b midāgid ‘nothing’. However, due to the synchronous identity of äb as a tensed negative auxiliary (present tense: äb, past tense: iz), in past tense clauses the negative prefixoid of indefinite pronouns was then also inflected, leading to forms such as is midāgid. For a brief period in the 19th century Livonian therefore had a tensed negative pronominal construction.
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